SPIEGEL ONLINE: Moscow wants closer relations with Germany, comparable to the Franco-German rapprochement after World War Two. Is that a realistic analogy?
Titov: Every historic analogy has a hook. It is hardly reasonable to compare the problems of Germany and France in creating the European Coal and Steel Community with the challenges facing Germany and Russia on the European agenda today. In this context, it is interesting to remember that the German-French rapprochement played the role of a catalyst within the process of European integration. In the same manner, cooperation between Germany and Russia today can become the driving force behind integration all across Europe. Our two countries share a mutual aspiration toward this goal, and a number of common strategic plans. Just think of the unprecedented North European gas pipeline project, which opens up the broadest possibilities for a reliable energy supply in Europe.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: At the beginning of the year, after the so-called "gas wars" between Ukraine und Russia, there was widespread concern in Europe that Moscow could use its natural gas as a political weapon. Is that a justified allegation?
Titov: Russia does not apply energy resources as a political weapon, and never has. It was just that some countries found it difficult to stop seeing themselves as beneficiaries once we began switching over to generally accepted trade relations in that area. Instead, it was easier for them to invent political bugaboos. We are, of course, interested in solid, reliable relations between energy suppliers and customers. The new Baltic Sea pipeline, which directly connects our countries for the first time, greatly reduces the transportation costs.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: In what areas are the positions of Germany and Russia close to one another?
Titov: Both countries are united in their common pursuit of a just and transparent system of international cooperation and security. Among other things, the high-ranking permanent security task force, which is under the auspices and coordination of both our foreign ministries, serves this purpose. Concerning strategic stability, answers to global challenges, and the resolution of regional conflicts, we do not merely share very similar positions; we also endeavor to act jointly in avoiding and solving international conflicts.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: So perfect harmony reigns supreme between Germans and Russians.
Titov: Harmonious relations do not have to be monotonous. That would already be impossible given the nuances of national interests and Germany's international commitments, for example in the context of the coordinated policies of the EU and NATO. There are often differences of opinion regarding tactics. The debate has now heated up about the resolution of Kosovo's international status. Is it worth granting Kosovo independence, even when all sides are not in agreement? Would we be opening Pandora's Box? There will certainly be imitators in many regions of the world. Nonetheless, we hope to succeed in finding a compromise that everyone finds acceptable.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: How do Germany and Russia reconcile their foreign policies, for example with regard to the Middle East?
Titov: The regular talks, including phone conversations, among our countries' senior politicians are highly important. That is especially true with regard to the Middle East. Both foreign ministries have a time-tested mechanism for dialogue. Resolution 1701 of the UN Security Council, which established the basis for a cease-fire in Lebanon, is a success for the international community to which Russia and Germany greatly contributed. But now we have to take it one step further, eliminate the causes of the Arab-Israeli conflict and find a solution for the Palestinian question. And this is where Russia and Germany can achieve a great deal together, because both countries enjoy a good reputation in the Middle East.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Russian President Vladimir Putin are already speaking of a "strategic partnership" between the two countries. What does this mean from the Russian perspective?
Titov: We mean the global responsibility of both our countries for international stability, the size and scope of our cooperation – from politics and the economy all the way to culture and youth exchanges. For us, the partnership has a strategic perspective. We want our relations to be reliable, stable and capable of sustaining strains even when there is trouble on the horizon.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: You are thinking of Georgia?
Titov: The Georgian problem originated in the irresponsible politics of the Saakashvili regime. I would like to add that support from the outside led to the growing anti-Russian hysteria of the current Georgian leadership. It is worth considering why a hostile anti-Russian rhetoric has become Georgia's "admission ticket" to NATO.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Georgia clearly feels threatened by Russia.
Titov: Russia threatens no one. But we are not prepared to constantly put up with insulting outbreaks. Tbilisi has zealously demonized Russia over the last few years. We have repeatedly warned the Georgian rulers and our international partners that this path will lead to ruin.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Russia has now decided on sanctions against the Georgian Republic. Your State Duma has declared that it does not preclude "even harsher measures." Is there an impending war between Russia and Georgia?
Titov: The constricting measures we have put in place concerning Georgia represent the current state of our relations. It is not acceptable to live at Russia's expense for years, all the while insulting Russia on a regular basis. We hope that in Tbilisi they will seriously consider where such an absurd policy will lead.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: The Georgian leadership would like to regain control of the breakaway provinces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. And President Mikhail Saakashvili aspires to join NATO. Does this lead to a serious conflict of interest between the North-Atlantic alliance and Russia?
Titov: Georgia is currently undergoing a process of militarization. It's widely known that the Georgian Defense Minister wants to celebrate the New Year in the South Ossetian capital Tskhinvali. These are by no means harmless threats. In the early '90s, Tbilisi already undertook several attempts to resolve the conflict by military means. That led to unjustifiable human sacrifice. Back then, Russia put an end to the bloodshed. The repetition of such a violent scenario would thwart all hopes of a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Our partners, including those in Brussels, understand this very well.
The interview was conducted by Uwe Klußmann and Matthias Schepp
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