SPIEGEL: In the controversy over Iran's nuclear ambitions, in particular, Sarkozy has proven to be US President George W. Bush's most reliable supporter. Is France steering into the US camp?
Kouchner: Certainly not. But our foreign policy is no longer based on anti-Americanism. We are friends and allies of the United States, but not vassals.
SPIEGEL: What happened to France's traditional role of serving as a counterweight to the United States?
Kouchner: Take climate protection, for example. We don't agree with the Americans at all on that front. President Sarkozy made this very clear to George Bush (at the G-8 summit) in Heiligendamm. And he repeated it during his summer vacation in the United States, when he visited Bush in Kennebunkport. Here's another example: We invited Hezbollah to our conference on Lebanon, even in the face of severe criticism from the Americans. Nevertheless, we continue to insist that anyone who wants to solve Lebanon's problems must talk to all parties.
SPIEGEL: Now Sarkozy even wants to see France rejoin NATO's military command, which President Charles de Gaulle left in 1966 out of protest against the Americans.
Kouchner: We already provide troops for all NATO operations, from Kosovo to Afghanistan. And yet we do not have an equal voice in the military decisions that are made at NATO headquarters. The president wants to see a reorientation of NATO. Of course, this is portrayed as a pro-American gesture.
SPIEGEL: Which isn't surprising. Isn't it a contradiction to promote the European security and defense policy on the one hand, while at the same time demonstratively pushing for a return to NATO?
Kouchner: That's precisely why we stress the overriding importance of a stronger European defense. All EU partners must contribute more financially to this effort, just as we are.
SPIEGEL: What preliminary conditions would the Americans have to fulfill?
Kouchner: The Americans must accept that we act independently. We envision a Europe that is strong and plays a decisive role in all decisions worldwide. French and European interests are at the forefront. Our view of the world is not that of the Americans. Our perspective is absolutely multipolar. That is the fundamental difference.
SPIEGEL: Then let's take a look at other regions of the world. While Sarkozy says nothing about Guantanamo, he criticizes the disregard for human rights in (President) Vladimir Putin's Russia…
Kouchner: But you can't compare the two. I am certain that the president is quite capable of commenting on Guantanamo with the same directness. Believe me, Sarkozy doesn't talk like a 19th-century diplomat. He says what he thinks.

Former US President George H.W. Bush (right) takes US President George W. Bush (left) and French President Nicolas Sarkozy for a boat ride in the waters off Kennebunkport, Maine. "Our foreign policy is no longer based on anti-Americanism," Kouchner says. "We are friends and allies of the United States, but not vassals."
Kouchner: I'm proud of that. I met with her son and gave her newspaper an interview.
SPIEGEL: A provocation for the Russian government.
Kouchner: The point was to pay my respects, not to provoke. After 40 years as a human rights activist, I cannot simply toss my moral principles overboard, just because I am now the foreign minister.
SPIEGEL: Don't such pretensions inevitably lead to confrontation?
Kouchner: I don’t think so. I respect our Russian friends and admire their reform efforts. We have to understand them. Sixteen years have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union -- this isn't enough to change a country completely. After transitioning to a market economy, Moscow is now catching up and wants a suitable position in the world. It feels that it is being excluded and is not getting the respect it deserves. I can understand that.
SPIEGEL: You can understand the Russians constantly feeling offended?
Kouchner: Moscow must be included as a partner in all decisions, from the beginning. Russia is not an entity that one can ignore and dismiss out of hand.
SPIEGEL: We see this in the dispute over independence for Kosovo, which Russia has blocked in the UN Security Council since 1999.
Kouchner: That's why France has called for a new round of negotiations -- now that we have convinced the Americans.
SPIEGEL: These negotiations are scheduled to end on Dec. 10. Do you believe that an agreement will be reached?
Kouchner: The chances are about 10 percent. The Kosovo Albanians would have to agree to a form of independence that wouldn't make the Serbs appear as losers. This sort of compromise is hard to imagine. But there is still a chance. We have confidence in (German) Ambassador (to Great Britain) Wolfgang Ischinger (who is the EU's mediator on Kosovo) to take the bull by its horns.
SPIEGEL: The recognition of a sovereign Kosovo threatens to divide Europe once again.
Kouchner: We are unlikely to achieve unanimity among all 27 countries. I am very concerned that Kosovo not become a crucial test for Europe. This would be a gesture of brotherhood. Russia and American may take different positions, which I can understand. But this is mainly a European problem. We decide.
SPIEGEL: Why did Kouchner, a socialist, offer his services to a conservative president, of all people?
Kouchner: I was convinced that constantly criticizing is counterproductive. I wouldn't have accepted any position other than that of foreign minister. I asked Sarkozy whether I would have political free rein -- under his leadership, of course. He said I would, and this agreement has remained in place.
SPIEGEL: Does your hyper-president, Sarkozy, give you any latitude?
Kouchner: He gives me all kinds of latitude to act and do as I see fit.
SPIEGEL: Your recent jog through New York's Central Park with the president wasn't part of your job?
Kouchner: I have been running for 35 years, and I have already completed 10 marathons. I don't need Nicolas to take up running.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Minister, we thank you for this interview.
Interview conducted by Ralf Beste and Stefan Simons.
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