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Putting One Over on Europe

How EU Leaders Are Trying to Rescue the Lisbon Treaty

By Dirk Kurbjuweit

Part 2: Democracy Doesn't Mean Confidence in Citizens

The attempt to act in concert is never as spectacular as confrontation, be it in the wars of the past or the football matches of the present. But that sense of the spectacular is absent in the conference room in Brussels, where men and women touch each other on the arm and embrace, and where today's principal recipient of these hearty caresses is Irish Prime Minister Brian Cowen, the man who in fact botched his homework. In Europe, however, this doesn't make a leader a pariah, but at worst the victim of excessive compassion.

Europe presents itself to the rest of the world with the same air of congeniality and nonviolence, which explains why it is occasionally disparaged as a female continent, as a Venus among the major players in world politics. But for the peaceable, this is precisely one of the reasons to be very satisfied with this European Union.

Of course, what takes place behind closed doors in Brussels is a poor excuse for debate. Nevertheless, at least we can comfort ourselves with the notion that the leaders of 27 nations, home to roughly half a billion people, are at least willing to make the effort. On Thursday afternoon, they discussed critical issues like the rising cost of energy and commodities -- the problems of exploding globalization, as Angela Merkel once put it. And when it comes time to face off against China, Russia or the United States, is going it alone in Germany's, Lithuania's or Ireland's best interest?

There are reasons to put our trust in these politicians. The only problem is that the way they behave in Brussels makes it all the more difficult for us to feel consistently good about Europe.

European moments are almost always the same. Even before they have finished deliberating, the heads of state and government send out Hans-Gert Pöttering, the president of the European Parliament, to sell their collective position to the assembled journalists. But Pöttering is a man who can talk a room into a persistent vegetative state within the space of 10 minutes. By that time, anyone who still has the energy to ask a question is served up what amounts to a congenial non-answer. Journalists learn nothing about what is going on and have, as a result, nothing to report. Pöttering has the unique ability to make Europe disappear.

It appears to be part of the plan. The following statement appears at the beginning of the summit's draft conclusions: "The European Council took note of the preparatory work carried out in line with its December 2007 conclusions." Only the staunchest of believers in a united Europe are likely to continue reading.

But despite everything, there was one emotional moment during those two days in Brussels. Writing about it is strictly forbidden, because it happened in a closed-door meeting with the German chancellor, late at night, as she was coming from a dinner with her counterparts. It was a rare burst of enthusiasm, coming from Merkel, an almost fiery appeal on behalf of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Union and representative democracy. She even mentioned the word passion.

Journalists never applaud, not even in a football stadium after their national team has scored a goal. But when this speech ended a few journalists clapped their hands, briefly, before realizing that applause was completely inappropriate.

The trouble is, no one is supposed to find out about the chancellor's passionate little outburst. Otherwise someone could hit upon the idea that she is in fact wholeheartedly behind a strengthening of the European Union, perhaps even knowingly against the wishes of German citizens.

Merkel had cooled down by the time the closing press conference rolled around on Friday afternoon. Looking tired, she told journalists that the summit had "reached conclusions that I believe are constructive." There it was again, that Brussels boredom, that sense of slow, deliberate digestion, especially now that it was clear that Merkel had no concrete results to discuss. Instead of reaching agreement, the leaders at the summit agreed to disagree, reached face-saving compromises and dispensed the one thing that Europe seems to have in spades: time.

They are giving the Irish time to figure out what to do next. And they are giving the future president of the Council, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and the European Commission time to develop a strategy to fight rising energy and food prices. Indeed, about the only sound Europe is likely to make in the coming months is that of a ticking clock. But perhaps this is intentional.

Perhaps the EU's secret strategy is called "strategic boredom" -- attract no attention and make no waves, but continue to plod along, quietly and stubbornly, ignoring the murmurs of concern from all around.

The scoundrels in Brussels have sold the European people a lot of things: a single market, the euro, the lifting of many border controls and, most recently, a binding global climate policy. These have all been good things, and they have helped make Europe an eminently livable continent. Despite the many dull moments and emotions that have been negative at best, the end result has been laudable.

Most of these improvements would have been held up, if not outright prevented, by referendums. Democracy doesn't mean having unlimited confidence in citizens. Sometimes the big picture is in better hands when politicians are running it, and a big picture takes time.

It's just like with the boa constrictor. When its protracted digestive process is over, the snake is once again an active, powerful and beautiful creature.

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan