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'A Step Closer to Failure'

With the collapse of the Czech government, which holds the European Union's rotating presidency, the EU faces a power vacuum at a crucial time. Will Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek's fall spell the end of the Lisbon Treaty? German commentators express deep concern.

European leaders have reacted with dismay this week to the collapse of the government of Czech Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek, whose country currently holds the six-month rotating presidency of the European Union. The Czech Republic is one of a handful of countries where the the Lisbon Treaty -- which replaces the failed European Constitution -- has yet to be ratified and signed. Many fear the treaty will now be dead on arrival, since it still faces ratification in the Czech Republic's upper house of parliament. The person who may benefit most from Topolanek's fall, in any case, is the country's euroskeptic president, Vaclav Klaus.

"I would like to urge all political leaders not to use this political crisis in a way to make the Lisbon Treaty hostage to domestic problems," European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said Wednesday. "That would not be fair to the other countries of Europe."

Hans-Gert Pöttering, the president of the European Parliament said the EU had been working on the reform framework for 10 years, and "we need the Lisbon Treaty for more democracy, more capacity for the EU to act and for more transparency." But the Czech deputy prime minister for European affairs, Alexandr Vondra, said it would now be "far more difficult" to obtain the necessary votes for the treaty in the Senate.

Many in the EU had hoped for hard work from the Czech government during its six-month presidency to push the treaty agenda forward. Ireland may yet hold a second referendum on it by October 31, and the document would still require signatures from the presidents of Poland and Germany (where a legal challenge has been mounted at the Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe). The worry is not just that the Czechs will no longer champion the Lisbon Treaty -- but that if it fails in Prague, the whole project may collapse.

On Thursday, commentators at Germany's major dailies are unanimously critical of the Czechs, arguing that the collapse of their government at such a crucial time is evidence of the very need for a Lisbon Treaty. One of its key reforms is to establish a long-term president -- and eliminate the six-month rotating presidency.

The center-right Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung writes:

"One cannot rule out the possibility that the collapse of the Czech government will create a new chapter in the history of the European constitution -- the final one. The fate of the Lisbon Treaty -- which, following the rejection of the constitution by voters in France and the Netherlands, now only differs from the original document in that symbols that made the EU look like a country have been removed -- is now dependent on two unknowns: the outcome of a power struggle in Prague, and the opinion of Irish voters."

"If you go by the polls, there's a chance the Irish will change their minds and vote in favor of the treaty in a second referendum this fall. … At the same time, the Irish could also reject it, since this time they are no longer carrying the burden of the failed European project on their shoulders alone -- the Czech Republic also bears responsibility. If supporters of President Klaus in Prague topple the treaty, a second referendum in Ireland will never happen."

"One thing is clear -- with this treaty, the EU has reached its limit. This partially has to do with the admission of new member states. It has proven to be nearly impossible to reconcile the interests of 27 member states at summits. And even when they do succeed, their work is far from complete. Skepticism amongst the populace of 'Brussels' is increasing considerably and politicians need to give that greater consideration. It's also possible there could be a silver lining in that danger: If the EU is successful in presenting itself as a more successful actor that is better capable of acting In the economic crisis, then 'Europe' could win greater support and new trust."

The financial daily Handelsblatt writes:

"This may have been a perfectly democratic move -- and one cannot accuse the Czech parliament of having done anything wrong. However, Prime Minister Topolanek and President Klaus both share responsibility for allowing things to come to this in the middle of the Czech EU presidency. Both provoked their domestic political opponents in their struggle for power rather than trying to find a temporary truce for the sake of Europe's interests. By doing so they have damaged their country's reputation. This has long been an old hat for Klaus, but now Topolanek has succeded in destroying his reputation as a reliable European politician. The Czech leader may continue to conduct his Brussels business until the end of June, but nobody is going to take him seriously at it anymore."

"The Europeans could dismiss the collapse of the government in Prague as a historical footnote if the European community itself were in good shape. Unfortunately, it's not. Since the 2005 referendum in France that stopped the European constitution in its tracks, the EU has not emerged from its internal crisis."

"The Irish have apparently learned just how vital a legitimate, empowered EU can be in an economic crisis. Ireland -- particularly strapped by the recession -- will hold a second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty in the fall. If they ratify it, the EU will have to wait only for signatures from the presidents of Poland and the Czech Republic. Then we will see whether two men can resist the political will of 493 million EU citizens."

The right-leaning Die Welt writes:

"There are two different reactions ... Some depict a Europe that has catastrophically failed in the middle of an enormous economic crisis. These people feel confirmed in their suspicion that it was wrong to have extended the EU over the Iron Curtain into the Eastern Europe. The region, so the theory goes, is simply not economically, politically and socially mature enough to belong to the club. Though in part correct, this lament ignores the fact that there no longer is an Eastern Europe. All the new EU states have made progress that far outweighs the downsides of integration."

"The other reaction comes primarily from Brussels. As always, whenever something rumbles in the grandiose European machinery, they say: Don't worry about it, move along. No doubt Prime Minister Tolopanek is going to do his best to see his presidency of the EU to an orderly end. And he'll make use of the considerable tactical talent that he demonstrated in keeping together his heterogenous coalition for two whole years."

"But these complacent Europeans are not doing the EU agenda any favors. Brussels consistently transmits one single message: Dear people of Europe, whatever you decide, whatever unease you feel -- we're going to continue doing what we've always done. This also contributes to the loss of Europe's legitimacy. The elite have always done well to pay attention to the grumbling from the margins."

The left-leaning Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:

"With the collapse of the government in Prague, Europe faces the grim possibility that the institutional reforms with which the EU has been wrestling for almost 10 years is once again a step closer to failure."

"It's not yet clear whether the party of Prime Minister Topolanek is going to resort back to its old, reflexive euroskepticism. But Europeans can't simply wait and see. If the Czech Republic joins Ireland as a potential no-vote against the Lisbon Treaty, the modernization of the EU will be in danger. And it's not only a reputation that would be damaged -- Europe would also lose its credibility in efforts to reform the international order. The Europeans' weight on the international stage is always in direct relation to the extent to which they are unified in arguing their position on the leading issues of the day."

"Those who want to save the European reform effort must apply pressure on Prague. The squabblers in the Czech Republic must be made to understand that their domestic spat could have disastrous consequences for European policy. And because we will all have to pay the price for that, other Europeans have the right to demand that the reform of the EU not be reduced to a pawn of partisan politicians in Prague."

The Financial Times Deutschland writes:

"Even if it wasn't Topolanek's intention, he has strikingly demonstrated why the EU urgently needs a new leadership structure. Instead of the six-month rotating presidency, the bloc needs -- particularly in times of crisis -- a strong president who can lead without having to worry about domestic political events in individual member states. It's no coincidence that the Lisbon Treaty envisions just such an office -- which is why it is all the more important for the agreement to come into force."

"The fatal thing about the Czech government crisis, which has become a European crisis, at the latest since Topolanek's angry speech yesterday, is that it will make it significantly more difficult for the vital Lisbon Treaty to come into force. The Czech Republic is one of the few countries which still need to approve the agreement. Even the government admits that it will now be much harder to get the treaty through parliament. On top of that, the successful no-confidence vote against Topolanek will also strengthen the role of euroskeptic President Vaclav Klaus."

"Nonetheless, the debacle over the Czech EU presidency has one positive aspect. Anyone who still doubts that the EU needs the Lisbon Treaty is clearly out of touch with reality."

The left-leaning Berliner Zeitung writes:

"Right now there are overwhelming political decisions to resolve. How can a government which has lost its mandate at home legitimately lead 27 European countries? Not to mention that the fate of the Lisbon Treaty is left completely open. The Czech ratification could easily be blocked for months on end, when the political parties are locked in their own feuds and battle for power."

"There are also serious political repercussions for the Czech Republic. The country is facing its biggest upheaval since the autumn of 1989. Until now there were three certainties: Competition between the conservative people's party ODS and the Social Democrats did not permit a clear majority. Secondly, a grand coalition between the two was unthinkable, because of deep personal, rather than political, divisions. Third, it was seen as a done deal that the Communist Party would be kept at a distance from power."

"But these certainties are no longer valid. The ODS, the conservative pillar of the political balance, looks poised to collapse. In a best-case scenario, that could open the door to a coalition. It may also break the taboo of a Communist Party directly or indirectly in a position of power. In the Czech Republic, though, it remains a party locked in the past -- unreformed and without trace of critical examination of the socialist system which toppled 20 years ago."

-- SPIEGEL ONLINE Staff, 4 p.m. CET