Jan Techau, 37, is the head of the Alfred von Oppenheim Center for European studies at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin .
In the run-up to the European elections, what issues are being debated in Germany ?
As with the other EU member states, the European election in Germany is focused primarily on a domestic political debate -- even more so since this is an election year here, with both state and federal elections in the coming months. The only European aspect is the financial crisis, which has led to a debate about how the social safety net can be improved across Europe. You can't blame the parties for this lack of a general debate about the EU because European elections are really national elections in 27 separate member states. There is no Europe-wide political competition. Plus, people don't fully understand the powers and functions of the European Parliament, so voting for this unknown institution is not a given. The fact that the EP can't initiate legislation and can't vote on all issues, of course, doesn't make things any better. There is still a feeling the EP is only a second-rate parliament.
A key issue in European politics is market ideology. Is there a debate in Germany about whether the free market ideology of Brussels needs changing?
There is an ongoing debate in Germany about how free markets should be, but this isn't pegged to the EU. It's a more theoretical debate about a social market economy and the degree to which the state should intervene. The only party that is openly questioning the existing economic order is the Left Party, but their message of nationalizing banks, greatly extended welfare transfers and dramatic tax increases for the rich isn't finding an awful lot of resonance. The reality is that Germany is one of the biggest beneficiaries of the EU's internal market. Germany lives off of its exports and it totally relies on open markets -- and the EU is the most important one. Only those on the ultra-left or ultra-right would challenge it.
Jan Techau
Euro-skepticism in Germany is not as pronounced as it is elsewhere -- not even close to what you see in Britain or Poland. The overwhelming majority believe EU membership has been beneficial. When Germany had to come to terms with its moral and economic ruins after World War II, people had to look for something to believe in and the idea of anything national was out of the question. Europe became their proxy, their ersatz religion. Their hopes, their fears, their identity and their aspirations were projected onto the idea of Europe. People are a little more sober about this today than they were 20 years ago, but the EU is still an essential part of our societal fabric. The problem with ersatz religions, though, is that expectations are often too high. Now the EU is turning into a political entity where things happen behind closed doors. You can no longer put your ideals into this politicized, slightly tainted version of Europe. Some of the idealism has worn off.
There has also been a shift in Germany's approach to the EU, but it should not be interpreted as euro-skepticism. Former Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who led the country to join the euro, was still deeply immersed in the old West German order of postwar consensus. Starting with Gerhard Schröder, though, Germany's political elites have been less European by default, not unlike leaders in Britain and France. They are more comfortable with the idea of also going a German way. It's not really nationalistic, but they have become slightly bolder and will not compromise for the sake of compromise if doing so will harm national interests. Angela Merkel has taken a middle road. In some cases, the like the EU budget deal in 2005, she put German money on the table to buy a compromise that was good for all of Europe. But on the issue of energy, she has been stubborn about the German national position.
How would German voters like to see the EU develop? Do they support a joint foreign policy? A more powerful European Central Bank?
By and large, Germans favor more coordination and more cohesive stances on foreign and security policies. In their European election platforms, both major German parties -- the center-left Social Democrats and the center-right Christian Democrats state -- include the idea of a unified European army. Because of its difficult historical experiences, Germans would prefer a strong European army rather than a national one. In terms of the common currency: It was psychologically difficult for Germans to give up the deutsche mark, but people have since embraced the euro. It is being viewed now as a steady anchor in the economic crisis. Most perceive it as a widened continuation of the deutsche mark because the European Central Bank has governed the euro with the kind of fiscal conservatism the German central bank used in controlling the mark. Germans are obsessed with the hyperinflation of the 1920s and its consequences -- mass poverty and the rise of Hitler. As long as the ECB governs the euro strictly and does all it can to limit state intervention, people will remain happy.
On the issue of European expansion, people in Germany have also done a good job of accepting the 12 new member states. It's hard for people to argue anymore that Poles somehow don't belong to Europe. The same will be true for countries like Croatia and the Western Balkans states should they accede. People are very concerned about Turkey, though. They worry that it would be too big to swallow, since, with its 110 million people, it would instantly become the biggest EU country. Culturally, it is also too different for many and they fear a dysfunctional cultural integration process could prove disastrous for the EU.
Interview conducted by Daryl Lindsey
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