Sócrates, 50, a civil engineer by trade, is the secretary-general of the Socialist Party and has headed Portugal's government since March 2005. In June, Portugal assumed the rotating six month presidency of the European Union. And at an EU summit next month in Lisbon, the treaty that succeeded the failed European draft constitution is expected to be signed.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, after the October European Union summit you spoke of a great "victory" in reference to the newly negotiated EU reform treaty, to be signed in Lisbon on Dec. 13, which will replace the failed European constitution. Why do you see this as a victory?
Sócrates: Europe had to overcome its institutional crisis. The best signal that we could give to European citizens, European industry and the entire world was that we had agreed to a more efficient decision-making framework. This is the only way that Europe will be capable of playing an important role in global affairs.
SPIEGEL: How is the average European supposed to take notice of this? The new treaty is even more incomprehensible than the old one.
Sócrates: It will be palpable everywhere. Most decisions can now be approved with a qualified majority and no longer require the consensus of all 27 member states. Citizens can now expect to see Europe react more swiftly.
SPIEGEL: Warsaw was the biggest malcontent in the run-up to the summit. How did you manage to win over the Poles? Does Portugal have an especially deep understanding of the concerns of Eastern European countries?
Sócrates: The situation simply required professional diplomacy. We are neither a confederation nor a mere alliance; we are a union. We couldn't isolate the Poles; we had to include them without going back on earlier agreements. The creative solution was to make an exception for the Poles that was legally valid, yet not part of the text of the treaty.
SPIEGEL: This means that, at least until 2014, Poland will have more influence on the EU Council of Ministers than it is entitled to according to the size of its population. Do you expect that the new government in Warsaw will improve the political climate?
Sócrates: This agreement alone has improved it. The alternative would have been to remain totally empty-handed. Allowing exemptions for certain countries was the only way to reach an agreement. I just hope that the United Kingdom and Poland will come completely on board soon. Fortunately, the new Polish prime minister has already announced that he would like to accept the EU Charta of Fundamental Rights, which has been sidelined up to now.
SPIEGEL: In reality, the Lisbon Treaty marks a developmental threshold. For the time being, we will not pursue the dream of building a European superpower. Taxes, social welfare and foreign policy will remain in the hands of the individual member states. And there will be no common flag, no anthem. Is Europe renouncing its aim of acting as a single political unit?
Sócrates: I also liked the original draft constitution better, and I also feel that symbols are important. But Europe has always made progress step-by-step through compromises. I was born with Europe, in 1957; one year after Portugal entered the EU, I was elected to parliament. For me and my generation, the European project is one of the grandest ideas in the world. Our continent has experienced the horrors of war like no other, and this has marked us. And that's why over the past 50 years we've done everything in our power to build trust among ourselves. We've created a civil society that can move freely without border constraints.
SPIEGEL: Europe's ability to act effectively has been particularly put to the test in its relations with Russia. The main issues are energy, flyover rights, meat imports and security. Moscow effortlessly manages to drive a wedge between the EU countries. Do you really believe there is still a chance of reaching a new joint partnership agreement?
Sócrates: I think it's possible. It's in the interest of both sides to have a reliable political framework. Since the fall of the Wall in 1989, we have contributed to stability in the Soviet Union's former sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. However, I'm concerned about the differences that we have with Russia, most recently again with regard to defense issues. Europe's only option is to reach a compromise.
SPIEGEL: There is no common position within the EU on Russia.
Sócrates: It will be a long time before we have a common foreign policy in all areas.
SPIEGEL: What is the next step in the process of EU enlargement? After the accession of Romania and Bulgaria, EU members agreed that it was time to take a pause for reflection. Would that make Croatia the last country that could join, at least for the time being?
A tram climbs a narrow hill street in Lisbon.
SPIEGEL: You're also referring to Turkey?
Sócrates: Europe has to stand by its promise. If the country fulfills our criteria, we have to let it in. If not, it remains outside.
SPIEGEL: There are plans to lift all border checks for eight Eastern European countries and Malta by Christmas. Some fear that this will be too early.
Sócrates: We've promised to extend the area of free movement to the accession countries. However, it seemed impossible to link their databases with the Schengen system. So the Portuguese interior minister asked a domestic company to develop the right software, and they succeeded. This allows us to celebrate the historic opening of borders to Eastern Europe ahead of schedule. On Dec. 21, I will travel with German Chancellor Angela Merkel to the German-Polish border to officially mark the end of all passport controls. Thus, we Portuguese have also contributed to a Europe that is virtually without inner borders.
Will EU Africa Summit Be more than a Publicity Event?
SPIEGEL: You launched your EU Presidency period with a meeting between Brazil and Europe. Over the coming weeks, summits are planned with China and India and the African Union. Does this mean that the EU intends to play a larger role in other regions as well?
Sócrates: The motto of our EU Presidency is "A stronger Europe for a better world," and now that we have the Lisbon Treaty under wraps, we can present a much more united front. We've agreed to a strategic partnership with Brazil, a move which was long overdue. Brazil is immensely important in terms of trade, but also in terms of environmental issues. Without Brazil, it's impossible to influence climate change. Here we Portuguese have drawn on our special relationship with this former colony.
SPIEGEL: On Dec. 8, Portugal's Presidency is also hosting an Africa summit. Will this be more than just a publicity event?
African refugees arriving on the Canary Islands: "We have to integrate them."
SPIEGEL: The EU is Africa's largest trading partner, but European development aid appears to have failed. An increasing number of boot people are heading north for Europe's shores.
Sócrates: We need to develop a common strategy, in other words, to meet as equals. Europe can't tell Africa what to do. African immigrants contribute to our prosperity; we have to integrate them. By contrast, we need to prevent illegal immigration organized by gangs of criminals. To undermine the power of this mafia, we have to improve the living and working conditions in the countries of origin.
SPIEGEL: British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has said that neither he nor any of his ministers will participate if Zimbabwean leader Robert Mugabe, who is under pressure from the international community, attends the summit in Lisbon. Is a political confrontation looming here?
Sócrates: We have to separate the issue of human rights from development aid. Of course we will maintain the sanctions against Mugabe. But we can only make headway if we engage Zimbabwe in a dialogue. I understand Brown's position, that he can't personally take part for reasons that concern both countries. But I'm also grateful to him that his government has helped prepare this meeting.
SPIEGEL: When you became prime minister in 2005, you assumed leadership of a country in the throes of a deep economic crisis. The budget deficit was twice the allowable limit, economic growth was stagnating and unemployment was rising. Has Portugal come fully to terms with the eastward enlargement, which brought intense competition through low wages?
Sócrates: When I took office, we were facing the second recession in just three years, but now we have a balanced budget. This year we will post nearly 2 percent growth, despite the fact that India and China have made inroads into our traditional markets -- especially the textile sector -- and oil prices are rising.
SPIEGEL: You intend to reduce the overblown state bureaucracy and enhance the competitiveness of export industries through more education and technological development?
Sócrates: This year 68 percent of our citizens filed their income tax returns via the Internet. We have tackled reforms of the justice system, administration and social security. For the second year in a row, we have seen an increase in the number of pupils attending upper secondary school. We have integrated 300,000 Portuguese into vocational training programs that run parallel to their regular jobs. And in our 2008 budget, we have earmarked, for the first time ever, 1 percent of gross domestic product for investment in science and research.
SPIEGEL: Nevertheless, Portugal still remains the poorest country in the old EU, with wages and pensions that are substantially lower than the European average.
Sócrates: My vision for Portugal is to maintain stringency and order with regard to public spending and to ensure growth. Far more families should be able to afford to have children, so we support pregnant women from the third month and open new day care centers. All senior citizens who have less than 380 ($560) in available monthly income receive an extra state pension.
SPIEGEL: In order to do that, you had to raise taxes and reduce sick pay. This sparked protest from trade unions -- even the military, police and judges went on strike. Are your fellow Portuguese losing patience with making sacrifices for an economic upturn?
Sócrates: The Portuguese know only too well that the time has come for changes. Our social security system was about to go bankrupt, we've restructured it from the ground up, without privatizing. People will continue to pay their parents' pensions and, in turn, will receive pensions financed by their children. But in order to achieve this, we also had to extend the reforms to include the civil servants, who now have to wait until the age of 65 before they can retire, just like everyone else. We had to weather the strikes and stand our ground.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, we thank you for this interview.
Interview conducted by Helene Zuber and Christian Neef.
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