How European is Angela Merkel?: Chancellor Abandons Germany's Post-War EU Policy

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German Chancellor Angela Merkel isn't one for big speeches, and pathos makes her uncomfortable. But when the chancellor presented the results of the EU summit in Brussels last Friday, she chose uncharacteristically flowery rhetoric. She was pleased with the outcome, she said, smiling, and noted that there was nothing less at stake than the stability of the euro and, more importantly, the very future of the monetary union.

Merkel, with dark rings under her eyes, seemed both exhausted and relieved. She and her fellow European leaders had just spent two days wrangling over what to do about debt-ridden Greece. The German chancellor had fought against the rest of Europe -- and won.

The European Union will not come to Greece's aid on its own. Instead the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will step in first, with Europe only providing bailout funds in an extreme emergency, and only if all the member states agree. It was a victory for Merkel, but one that came at a high price.

It changes Europe's view of Germany, while at the same revealing how much Germany's view of Europe has changed. The German chancellor's approach in the past was to quietly and steadfastly pursue her interests in Brussels with the help of key partners or the European Commission. The ultimate goal was not to isolate Germany within Europe.

A Paradigm Shift

Merkel is now the first chancellor to have abandoned this principle on an important issue. She has made it clear that there are German interests and European interests, and that they are not necessarily the same. It is a paradigm shift in Germany's European policy. And Brussels is not the only place where Merkel is suspected of being more concerned with the coming state parliamentary election in North Rhine-Westphalia than with European unity.

Most striking has been the tone with which she has pursued her tough stance on the Greek question -- almost rude, by Merkel's standards. In a budget speech two weeks ago, she referred to a rule in the European Stability and Growth Pact as "idiotic," even though this supposed idiocy reappears in agreements to which Germany is a party. She even raised the possibility of "excluding a country from the euro zone, if necessary."

Germany's great pro-European chancellors, Konrad Adenauer, Helmut Schmidt and Helmut Kohl, had consistently expressed their solidarity with their European neighbors, even when it came at a high cost. It was often the Germans who spent a few extra millions to rescue a European summit from failure. They were convinced that it was money well spent, and they were proud to be seen as good Europeans.

While not completely abandoning this position, Merkel now seems to be tying it to tougher conditions. In her government statement on the EU summit last Thursday, she said that the German people had given up the German mark in the confidence that they would be getting a strong euro instead. This confidence, she said, could "not be disappointed under any circumstances."

'Cheap, Anti-European Resentment'

Europe had, until now, been a project of Germany's political leadership -- across party lines. And it was a project to be pursued even against the will of the people, if necessary. The EU would probably not have been expanded eastward if it had been up to the majority of Germans. They would also not have given up the mark for the euro.

Now, however, it suddenly seems as if Germany's European policy were following the instincts of the people and its mouthpiece, the mass circulation newspaper Bild. "Europe's Paymaster? Never Again!," read one of the paper's headlines last week.

Merkel's new course is even alarming members of her own party, the center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU). "We have to be very careful not to feed into any cheap, anti-European resentment," warns Elmar Brok, a member of the European Parliament (MEP) for the party, and normally one of her allies. "It doesn't make sense for us to be rescuing banks with the argument that they are critical to the system, while Europe, on the other hand, can't find the strength to help a country that is making an effort to clean up its finances," he says. Many in the CDU agree.

Merkel's style has also raised hackles in the Foreign Ministry. Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle, not exactly known for his quiet demeanor, is worried that it could exacerbate reservations about Europe in Germany. He also fears that Merkel's tone could lead to misunderstandings abroad. His concerns are not unjustified.

Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn has already accused Berlin of behaving in a way that betrays a lack of solidarity. He said that he sympathized with Germany's fundamental reservations, but added: "I don't understand, however, that more emphasis is placed on fundamental arguments than on the solidarity of the European Union." These are strong words, coming a diplomat and close ally.

From Merkel's perspective, such accusations are unjustified. She argues that her current approach is necessary to prevent further growth of euro-skepticism in Germany. According to Merkel, German citizens' unease about Europe has increased in proportion to the EU's expansion of its competencies. For this reason, she argues, she has to make it clear that Europe is subject to the same rules it has set for itself.

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• Part 1: Chancellor Abandons Germany's Post-War EU Policy
• Part 2: No Match for Germany's Pro-European Chancellors