By Keno Verseck
The right-wing extremists in Hungary's Jobbik party like to advertise themselves as "honest, clean and genuine." The "juster" or "better" ones, as their party's name implies, place particular value on the authenticity of their party's political agenda. Still, they have a serious problem: Leading Jobbik politicians claim that members of the government coalition led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán are constantly "stealing the issues and ideas" of the party and peddling them as their own.
There's a good reason why Hungary's right-wing extremists, who took 17 percent of the vote in 2010 elections, are frustrated. Orbán and his ruling majority have been veering further and further to the right. Indeed, hardly a week goes by these days in which politicians from Orbán's Fidesz (Alliance of Young Democrats) party or prominent party backers somehow publicly adopt a right-wing extremist stance.
For example, conductor Ádám Medveczky, a member of the pro-government Hungarian Academy of Fine Arts (MMA), recently called for something akin to an intellectual expatriation of the writers György Konrád, Péter Esterházy and Imre Kertész, the latter of whom won the 2002 Nobel Prize in literature.
Speaking about the three authors on the private television channel AVT, Medveczky said: "Whoever is born a Hungarian but damages and bad-mouths Hungarians when abroad can no longer be regarded as a Hungarian." MMA President György Fekete had previously expressed similar sentiments and demanded that no member of the academy should be allowed "to lack the genetic feeling of nationalism."
Rather than being some body of little consequence, the MMA is an unofficial culture ministry with far-reaching powers over cultural policies. Under Fekete's presidency, the MMA no longer subsidizes "unpatriotic" works. And, according to his interpretation, writers like Konrád, Esterházy and Kertész are unpatriotic. In fact, many on the Hungarian right view the lot as traitors for taking critical stances toward political circumstances in their homeland.
"There are no longer any clear boundaries between the thinking of Fidesz and Jobbik," says György Dalos, a prominent writer and political biographer. And what he says about cultural policies also applies to many other policy areas of the Hungarian government. Indeed, Orbán and his ruling party are implementing a major part of Jobbik's right-wing extremist platform. While some policies are toned down, others are adopted unchanged. For example:
On Wednesday, Orbán was in Brussels to speak with European Commission President José Manuel Barroso and European Parliament President Martin Schulz about Hungary's economic policies and an ongoing procedure against the country for surpassing deficit maximums. Orbán presumably also had to answer questions about right-wing extremism, but only informally.
Brussels Downplays Extremism
Indeed, many politicians in Brussels either don't comment on or downplay the issue of right-wing extremism in Hungary. Take, for example, Wilfried Martens, the Belgian parliamentarian who heads the European People's Party (EPP), which also includes representatives from German Chancellor Angela Merkel's center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Orbán's Fidesz party. In a tersely worded response to written questions, Martens said that Fidesz, as a member of the EPP, shares in the worries about extremism, and that Orbán has always "stressed the necessity of confronting this problem."
Only a few European politicians who share Orbán's center-right views venture to make clear statements on the issue. For example, EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding, a member of the EPP from Luxembourg's center-right Christian Social People's Party, recently expressed outrage over comments made by the prominent Hungarian commentator Zsolt Bayer, a co-founder of Fidesz and close friend of Orbán.
Bayer sparked an uproar in early January when he wrote an article in the Fidesz-aligned, right-wing newspaper Magyar Hirlap about a New Year's Eve stabbing in a bar in Szigethalom, a town south of Budapest, in which Roma are suspected of involvement. "A significant part of the Roma are unfit for coexistence," he wrote. "They are not fit to live among people. These Roma are animals, and they behave like animals. These animals shouldn't be allowed to exist. In no way. That needs to be solved -- immediately and regardless of the method."
No one in the Fidesz party leadership publicly condemned Bayer's article. A party spokeswoman said that since Bayer had expressed "his own opinion" as a commentator rather than as a Fidesz member, the party would not take a stance on it. And Fidesz communications chief Máté Kocsis even went so far as to say that anyone who criticized Bayer's article was "siding with the murderer" -- in other words, with the Roma -- even though no one was murdered at the stabbing in question.
Charges of Dishonesty
At the same time, a few weeks ago, Fidesz awoke the impression that it was planning to clearly distance itself from racial hatred. The apparent change of heart had been prompted in late November, when a right-wing member of the Jobbik party had demanded in parliament that "all Jews living in Hungary be registered," and that "Jews, particularly those in parliament and the government, be evaluated for the potential danger they pose to Hungary." Soon thereafter, on Dec. 2, Angal Rogán, the party's parliamentary flood leader, delivered a speech at a major anti-Jobbik demonstration in which he strongly condemned anti-Semitism in Hungary.
However, critics of Fidesz doubt that the party -- and Viktor Orbán, in particular -- is serious about wanting to distance itself from right-wing extremism, anti-Semitism and antiziganism, a term denoting racism toward the Sinti and Roma. Kristián Ungváry, a historian who has just published a 700-page book on the interwar years of the right-wing extremist Horthy regime, describes the party's policies as a "sham."
"The party speaks with two tongues," Ungváry says. "On the one hand, one distances oneself from right-wing extremism in order to maintain a good reputation abroad and because one notes that the political damage would be too severe. On the other hand, Fidesz pays tribute to anti-Semitic writers of the interwar period or expresses right-wing extremist positions in regime-friendly newspapers because it wants to attract voters on the right."
Attila Nagy, a political scientist at Budapest's Méltanyosság Institute, also believes that the Fidesz won't turn away from more extremist stances. He admits that there is genuine outrage about right-wing extremism in some party of the party, but he adds that "this part, which backs a clearer pro-European course, is currently not a decisive one within the party."
Dual Israeli – Hungarian citizenship in the Hungarian parliament. Let us see what are the exact rules in the Israeli Knesset itself about dual citizenship of its MK’s. Article 16A: Non-declaration due to dual citizenship [...] more...
To follow up on my previous post, in Hungary, news of roma atrocities are muffled, white washed and rarely if ever get through the liberal (vestiges survived and thriving from the old communist) system constructed filters to reach [...] more...
From the famous Hungarian expats list in the article – who in their unexplainable rage making their life-end reason d'etre to bad mouth Hungary and Hungarians -another illustrious person is woefully missing. Please permit me to [...] more...
Dear Sir, Your paper, "Blurring Boundaries: Hungarian Leader Adopts Policies of Far-Right" is utterly misleading, not to say deceptive. If the Jobbik is clearly an extremist party, it has nothing to do with prime [...] more...
Stay informed with our free news services:
|All news from SPIEGEL International||Twitter | RSS|
|All news from Europe section||RSS|
© SPIEGEL ONLINE 2013
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH