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  A World Government?: Why the G-8 Might Work After All

A World Government? Why the G-8 Might Work After All

By Markus Feldenkirchen, Dirk Kurbjuweit and Christian Reiermann

Part 3: By No Means Evil

The UN General Assembly has greater legitimacy, but it would be unable to produce even the meager resolutions of Heiligendamm. Democracy and efficiency are sometimes incompatible. But the leaders assembled in Heiligendamm had more going for them than efficiency alone. They also had proximity, and they benefited from group dynamics and the hope of achieving good results. Based on appearances, at least, the G-8 proved to be a harmonious and sometimes even amusing group of national leaders who allowed themselves the luxury of being human with each other.

On Thursday afternoon, the G-8 leaders could have been observed conversing with eight young people, representatives of a group known as the Junior 8, which was meeting simultaneously in the town of Wismar. After the first J-8 member had given his presentation, Merkel said: "Ok, who would like to respond?" She looked at her counterparts, one after the other, but no one spoke.

"One of us should always respond," said Merkel. She waited, but not very much happened. Sarkozy ran his fingers through his hair, and Bush pursed his lips. "No one?" Merkel asked. "Well, then I'll just start. No problem." But just as she was about to begin, Merkel noticed Blair motioning to her out of the corner of her eye. "Then you respond, Tony," she said.

And so the meeting continued for the next hour. It was an event that featured all the usual elements of group conversation: tiredness, self-praise, mumbling, self-important posturing, checking of mobile phones, grimacing, refusal to listen, daydreaming. One would expect a world government to behave differently. It was both reassuring and chilling to see that the world's problems can also be influenced by the moods of these eight people -- all of them a mixture of statesmen and ordinary people.

Nonchalance and Comradery

The eight leaders, nine with permanent guest Barroso, did seem well balanced and to have developed a rapport with one another. In the evening, when the setting sun had softened the lines of the white resort town and the group had agreed on a prescription against climate change, the members of this temporary world government stepped out onto the hotel terrace for an aperitif. Bush, Blair and Merkel, the first to arrive, sat down on whitewashed wooden chairs. The men had unbuttoned the top buttons of their shirts and were smiling broadly. A waiter arrived with drinks.

Bush sat, sprawled in his chair, his legs crossed and his knee brushing the table, drinking his favorite beer from America, Buckler non-alcoholic brew. He touched glasses with Merkel and Blair, who had ordered a local Pilsner. Romano Prodi joined the group and pulled up a chair. Bush greeted him with a small joke, and Prodi, in return, gave the tip of Bush's shoe a playful tap.

It seemed as if they had discovered a kind of warmth and courtesy -- enough, in any case, to enable them to discuss difficult international issues. French President Sarkozy reported that he had explained to Russian President Vladimir Putin, in a "peaceful conversation," his views on Russia's treatment of Chechens, journalists and homosexuals. It was one of many conversations that would have been interesting to witness.

Before the summit, some had voiced doubts whether such a huge event was even worthwhile. In retrospect, it seems clear that it produced a sufficient number of intimate moments to create at least some sense of unity. It is no secret among summit officials that politicians are always the ones willing to make concessions and compromises. It's good that they meet now and then.

Misunderstanding Africa

But the Big Eight's relationship with the rest of the world is another issue altogether. The group had made every effort not to seem exclusive. Africa was represented, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon flew in, and a conversion participants hope to establish as the "Heiligendamm Process" was begun with emerging nations Brazil, China, India, Mexico and South Africa.

There was also, though, something presumptuous about the whole thing -- a presumption that a country like China will hardly put up with for long. The appearance of Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, who turned 81 a few days ago, highlighted how difficult it is to attempt to think and make decisions for others. Wade, who was there to represent Africa, was furious after meeting with the G-8 leaders, claiming that he felt poorly treated and misunderstood. When the leaders talk about Africa, he said, their main concerns are AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, and they have just hinted that another $60 billion could be in the offing to fight these and other diseases.

"You have a faulty picture of Africa," Wade told the eight journalists who were interested in hearing what he had to say. Hundreds, by comparison, came to many of the G-8 leaders' press conferences in Heiligendamm. "You should know that Africa is not sick," Wade said. He told the handful of journalists that he is less interested in money to help cure disease than in funding for investments that can give the continent a future. Wade wants money for new roads, transportation and infrastructure. This, Wade said, is the best medicine and the true vaccine against Africa's gravest disease: poverty.

Many promises were made to the continent at the G-8 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland in 2005, but none were kept. The attendees at this year's summit, Wade said, talked about how these old objectives could perhaps be reached after all. In other words, he said, there had been no progress at all. He shook his head and left.

But Merkel was sufficiently glib not to allow Wade's words to go unnoticed. At her closing press conference, she discussed his criticism and announced improvements. Merkel also discussed her disappointments at this final press conference. The closing statement contains only non-binding language about a future code of conduct for the controversial investment companies known as hedge funds. The United States and Great Britain, where most hedge funds are headquartered, managed to successfully fend off Merkel's attack.

But Merkel also has no plans to simply sit back and accept this minor defeat. She plans to take up the issue once again during the second half of her G-8 presidency. She will meet with hedge fund industry leaders in the coming weeks to try and convince them of the advantages of a code of conduct.

By No Means Evil

On the whole, the politicians assembled in Heiligendamm gave the world little reason to assume, as usual, the worst of them. Their big issues were the environment and Africa, issues that also meant a lot to the protestors on the other side of the security fence. Their resolutions were far from perfect, but by no means were they evil.

In any case, when it comes to the climate, everyone shapes global events, not just politicians. The decisions of every individual affect global warming. On one large banner, Greenpeace suggested that the leaders of the G-8 nations "Act Now." But the politicians would have an easier job of it if everyone took this message to heart.

In truth, people have a tendency to hold their often verbally abused politicians accountable when it comes to issues like climate change. One of those politicians is German Minister of the Environment Sigmar Gabriel.

The task he and his counterparts from many other countries now face is to ensure that the Heiligendamm resolution is turned into a concept. Gabriel already has an idea on how to make that happen. He proposes that the German government enact climate protection acceleration legislation, an umbrella law that would cover everything that speeds up climate protection. This would increase massive development of the technology known as cogeneration, increased funding for renewable forms of energy and new standards for building renovation and all types of electronic devices.

Gabriel would like to take his ideas to the UN climate conference in Bali this December, where the good intentions of Heiligendamm are to be cast into concrete measures. "Until now," says Gabriel, "we didn't have a framework." Now, though, it will be a test as to whether the world government will be able to govern.

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan