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  Interview with FDP Leader Guido Westerwelle: 'Let's Take Obama at His Word'

Interview with FDP Leader Guido Westerwelle 'Let's Take Obama at His Word'

Part 2: 'We Will Defend Human Rights All Over the World'

SPIEGEL: Could you be more specific?

Westerwelle: My experience in recent months has been that opposition politicians are no longer permitted to talk openly. Many people I have spoken with expect the FDP to be part of the government this autumn. That's why I choose my words so carefully. I would rather do that then have to eat my words later on.

SPIEGEL: Open criticism of authoritarian countries like Russia and China has often sparked conflict in the grand coalition. Would you meet with the Dalai Lama at the Foreign Ministry?

Westerwelle: (FDP politician) Klaus Kinkel was the first German foreign minister to receive the Dalai Lama. I have met him several times, which has not been detrimental to my meetings in Beijing. A future FDP foreign minister would also receive him.

SPIEGEL: But how consistent is German foreign policy when it comes to defending human rights? Would you cut off funding to unpopular regimes?

Westerwelle: We will defend human rights and the rights of minorities all over the world. For that reason, I think it is completely wrong for us to be sending German taxpayer money to governments that, for example, do nothing or almost nothing to prevent the barbarian practice of female genital mutilation. Aside from humanitarian assistance and technical support to build schools or hospitals in such countries, not a single cent ought to be flowing into their government coffers.

SPIEGEL: Doesn't a foreign minister who only responds to human rights violations with threats and sanctions quickly run out of options?

Westerwelle: I don't think so. (German writer) Heinrich Böll wrote the following wonderful sentence: "There is an obligation to intervene in the internal affairs of human rights." This also applies to development work with partner countries. Their governments have to realize that Germany does not issue blank checks.

SPIEGEL: We have rarely heard you take such a passionate stand on foreign policy. You were more subdued when it came to the Middle East conflict. Other than the Left Party, the FDP was the only party that opposed the Bundeswehr's Lebanon mission.

Westerwelle: You are confusing volume with position. Because of its past, Germany cannot take a neutral position in the Middle East. That was why the FDP voted against German participation in the naval mission. In this respect, the federal government broke with the tradition of all its predecessors.

SPIEGEL: Does your restraint also have something to do with the trauma that the anti-Semitic excesses of your now-deceased fellow party member, Jürgen Möllemann, triggered in the FDP in 2002?

Westerwelle: That has absolutely nothing to do with it. You can accuse me of that. At the time I was a politician who made his fair share of mistakes in his first year as party chairman. But you cannot level similar accusations against such experienced liberal statesmen as (former cabinet ministers) Walter Scheel, Hans-Dietrich Genscher and Otto Graf Lambsdorff, who were also against German participation in the naval mission.

SPIEGEL: Even experienced politicians can make mistakes. Why are you hiding behind these three men?

Westerwelle: I went to Israel as a young man, and I also visited the Golan Heights when I was there. Anyone who has stood in that spot knows -- understands immediately -- how narrow and vulnerable the small country of Israel is. That's precisely why I think it is imperative that the European Union launch an initiative to establish a conference for security and cooperation in the Middle East.

SPIEGEL: It sounds utopian, not just because of the situation in the Middle East, but also because the Europeans are so divided. Why should any of that change?

Westerwelle: We as Europeans cannot force anyone to make peace, or behave as if we know what is best for all regions of the world. But Europe can be a role model, because it symbolizes cooperation. Europe is the great response of peace to a long history of war. That is why Europe can be a role model for the world, and that's why I am an enthusiastic supporter of the European Union.

SPIEGEL: Before you get too carried away, we should remind you that European integration is not progressing. Does Europe need a fresh start, perhaps in the form of a core group with Germany at its center?

Westerwelle: I hope that will not become necessary. As a rule, I believe that it is my generation's responsibility to create a similarly deep, social relationship of friendship with our eastern neighbors as the one we now take for granted with France. We must continue what (former Chancellor) Willy Brandt began when he sank to his knees in Warsaw. There is still an incredible amount of work to do.

SPIEGEL: Some of that work will involve convincing your chosen coalition partner. The conservatives want to put an end to EU expansion after Croatia's possible accession and keep Turkey out for good. Do you agree with this?

Westerwelle: Turkey is not in a position to join at the moment, nor is the EU in a position to accept it as a member. But I do expect, of course, that existing agreements will be upheld in a coalition government with the conservatives. Under the agreement with Turkey, accession will be examined in an unbiased manner. This process will continue for several years. Turkey is trying to satisfy constitutional and economic criteria, and to orient itself toward the West and not toward fundamentalism. Despite all setbacks, we can only encourage them in this effort.

SPIEGEL: The Christian Social Union, the Bavarian sister party to Merkel's Christian Democrats, would prefer to suspend the process immediately.

Westerwelle: That would spell the end of an intelligent foreign policy. It is possible that accession is not what will come out in the end, but a privileged partnership. Turkey, for its part, does not expect to be given a date for its membership. However, it does expect, and justifiably so, that Europe does not fundamentally reject its desire to join the EU.

SPIEGEL: You have just mentioned yet another example of how you are closer to the SPD than the conservatives on matters of foreign policy. Wouldn't it be easier to govern with the Social Democrats?

Westerwelle: I see no basis for an alliance with the SPD and the Green Party. The SPD has adopted a campaign platform that distinguishes it from the Left Party in only two respects: Lafontaine and foreign military missions. The Green Party base categorically rejects any coalition with the FDP. You can therefore forget about a "traffic light" coalition (ed's note: A "traffic light" coalition would consist of the SPD, FDP and Green Party, the name being inspired by the three parties' official colors). There will either be a center-right majority or a leftist government, although there could be a transitional phase involving a grand coalition for a year and a half.

SPIEGEL: You currently manage a party headquarters with 26 employees and a parliamentary group of 61 members. Should you move into the Foreign Ministry in the fall, you will be called upon to run an agency with about 6,600 employees. Is it possible to go from zero to 100?

Westerwelle: Sometimes that's what a politician has to do. If you promise not to accuse me of drawing comparisons, Barack Obama is currently demonstrating that it's possible.

SPIEGEL: Mr. Westerwelle, thank you for this interview.

Interview conducted by Petra Bornhöft and Michael Sauga

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

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