A Germany of 82 Million Chancellors Why Angela Merkel's Failures Continue to Multiply

Chancellor Angela Merkel's way of governing is to gauge the popular mood and act accordingly, even if doing so is not necessarily best for Germany. The result of her populist policies is an unofficial direct democracy not seen since the days of ancient Greece. Merkel prefers to remain a soft chancellor rather than to force her country to face difficult decisions.

Angela Merkel: the "soft Chancellor."

Angela Merkel: the "soft Chancellor."

A Commentary By

The enraged citizen can rest easy, because Angela Merkel is here. She takes care of things. She is making sure that one of the great wishes of our time is fulfilled: The wish for the involvement of citizens in decision-making -- that is, the desire for direct democracy.

The Germans are currently living in the most direct democracy since the Greeks convened regularly to discuss the affairs of state, about 2,400 years ago. This much effort is not even necessary for the Germans. Their chancellor simply gauges the popular mood and acts accordingly. There could be no more comfortable way of being governed.

Merkel is now in the sixth year of her chancellorship. It has gradually become clear how she is running this country, and it is time to give it a heading, a motto. The choice is obvious: The soft chancellorship. The current body of evidence includes her policies on Libya and nuclear energy.

'We Have a Representative Democracy'

In an off-the-record conversation, strictly confidential and not to be quoted, Merkel said something interesting last week. But it's a sentence that simply has to be repeated, because it sounds so strange coming out of her mouth: "We have a representative democracy." The chancellor actually said this, between 4 and 5 p.m. in Berlin last Thursday.

Merkel's words are squarely rooted in the German constitution, which holds that citizens elect their politicians and that in the time between elections the politicians are in charge. But Merkel's actions contradict this principle. She has secretly introduced direct democracy, and the natural consequence is the soft chancellorship.

Germans do not necessarily welcome chancellors taking a more rigid approach. In a democracy, policy emerges from debate and the exchange of views. An early "basta," or "enough," stifles this process, as does the phrase "there is no alternative." Former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder lumbered through German politics with "basta," an Italian word, underscoring his tendency to end drawn-out debate with quick, firm decisions.

Merkel's phrase, ironically enough, has been "there is no alternative." There should always be an alternative in a democracy, and no one knows this as well as the chancellor. The alternative to Merkel's policy usually comes from Merkel. She is a woman without a foundation, a wonder of agility.

A brief history of her tenure in office reveals how she began as a woman who lacked the confidence to implement her ideas of social reform. The public mood did not favor reform, while surveys and studies indicated that the people were more interested in fairness. Oskar Lafontaine, then the leader of the leftist Left Party, spurred Merkel on with leftist rhetoric, and Merkel assiduously handed out gifts to placate her potential critics. Special attention was paid to retirees, whose anger was particularly feared.

A Policy of Not Mentioning It

Although she supported the German military mission in Afghanistan whenever it came up for its annual review in parliament, she did her best to downplay the issue in the interim. The majority of Germans are opposed to the mission, and no one is likely to score any popularity points by supporting it. But a withdrawal would have destroyed Merkel's credibility with Germany's American ally Instead, she pursued a policy of not mentioning issues unpopular with the public.

But then came Libya. The eastern part of the North African country rebelled against one of the worst dictators of our time, and a civil war erupted in which the rebels soon found themselves on the defensive. Massacres seemed imminent.

Merkel, recognizing the possibility of offering her people an alternative to herself ahead of key elections in the southwestern states of Baden-Württemberg and Rhineland-Palatinate, did not opt for a clear decision but for a bizarre, lurching approach instead. She was against the use of German aircraft in the Libyan war, but instead of voting against a resolution to approve a no-fly zone over Libya in the United Nations Security Council, she had Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle abstain from the vote, which isolated Germany in the West.

At the same time, she is in favor of German ground troops becoming involved in the Libyan war zone in the context of humanitarian missions by the European Union. Her approach is hard to understand. The only possible explanation is that Merkel is trying to please everybody, both the war-weary Germans and Germany's allies. There is no evidence of a clear position or a foundation -- unless one is willing to accept the notion of a shifting sand dune as a foundation.

Through the Eyes of a Scientist

But there has to be something, a platform that Angela Merkel uses as the basis for her policies. Does she act as a Christian? No. Religion does not play a significant role for Merkel, who tends to espouse a biologistic worldview when it comes to life questions. As a woman? Sometimes, but a quota for women in the workplace goes too far for her. As a conservative who, after all, is the chairwoman of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which has a conservative core? No. Conservatism plays no role whatsoever. As an East German? Not an issue for Merkel. This leaves only one possible position, that of the scientist. This was long seen as her core: Merkel, the physicist who pursues policy with a scientific eye.

She demonstrated that in the first half of 2007. Scientists had just unveiled alarming statistics on climate change. Merkel the scientist reacted immediately, with figures, charts and talk of the irrefutability of the science behind climate change. She became the climate chancellor, which was popular, because the prospect of massive storms and heat waves seemed so scary. Merkel was in her element, and she pursued popular policies that also happened to be rooted in science. The transition to cleaner energy became her cause, as she advocated turning away from coal and oil and toward wind power and biofuel.

But this verve didn't last very long. When the price of oil rose in the summer of 2008, Merkel became concerned that Germans would be put off by even higher energy costs if she were resolute in her implementation of the energy transition. The issue soon faded into obscurity. The scientist in her was overshadowed by the populist.

Dropping Nuclear Power

And now it's happening again. When she heard the news about Fukushima, she abandoned nuclear power in next to no time, but without making her decision clear to the public. As in the case of Libya, Merkel's new approach to nuclear energy was one of staunch indecisiveness. She achieved a moratorium for seven older nuclear power plants and appointed an ethics commission to discuss the nuclear phase-out and come up with clear policy statements for Merkel. This, too, occurred just ahead of the elections in Baden-Württemberg and Rhineland-Palatinate. The Germans, the populist in Merkel reasoned, could no longer tolerate nuclear power.

And what does Merkel the physicist, the scientist, say? From a physical point of view, nothing has changed as a result of the Fukushima disaster. The laws of nuclear fission haven't changed, and there has always been talk of a residual risk -- except that Merkel used to feel that this residual risk was acceptable. She considered it acceptable for mankind to live with the prospect of a catastrophe like the one that has now unfolded in Fukushima. It was a valid position. But now she cannot simply wipe it away and forget about it, particularly after having actively pursued the extension of nuclear power plant operating licenses only a few months ago, which amounts to extending the residual risk for Germany.

Merkel reacted somewhat flippantly and nonchalantly to questions on the subject last week, saying that those who have always been against the nuclear program ought to be pleased. It so happens that a new era has begun, she added, and that it's time to look forward and embrace the new mantra: change, change, change. Merkel now insists that she is excited about the transition to clean energy, and that it's really happening now -- honestly, scout's honor.

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BTraven 04/15/2011
Since it’s not possible for her to reason her policy with experiences she made when she was young it’s even more remarkable that she has managed to stay in power for such a long time. It was a sensation when she got the job as party leader. Nobody thought she would be capable of handling it so well. Contrary to Kohl und Schröder she has the great advantage that there is nobody in her party who could challenge her therefore it is quite reasonable to assume that without Fukushima which had meant a further reign of CDU in Stuttgart she would have governed the country tougher.
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