Deliberate Deception Washington Gave Answer Long Ago in NSA Case

For months, the German government sought to create the impression it was still waiting for an answer from the US on whether it could share NSA target lists for spying with a parliamentary investigation. The response came months ago.

The German foreign intelligence agency's listening station in Bad Aibling, Bavaria.
DPA

The German foreign intelligence agency's listening station in Bad Aibling, Bavaria.

By , and


The order from Washington was unambiguous. The United States Embassy in Berlin didn't want to waste any time and moved to deliver the diplomatic cable without delay. It was May 10, 2015, a Sunday -- and even diplomats aren't crazy about working weekends. On this day, though, they had no other choice. James Melville, the embassy's second-in-command, hand delivered the mail from the White House to Angela Merkel's Chancellery at 9 p.m.

The letter that Melville handed over to Merkel's staff contained the long-awaited answer to how the German federal government could proceed with highly classified lists of NSA spying targets. The so-called "selector" lists had become notorious in Germany and the subject of considerable grief for Merkel because her foreign intelligence agency, the BND, may have helped the NSA to spy on German firms as a result of them. The selector lists, which were fed into the BND's monitoring systems on behalf of the NSA, are reported to have included both German and European targets that were spied on by the Americans.

The letter put the German government in a very delicate position. The expectation had been that the US government would flat out refuse to allow officials in Berlin to present the lists to members of the federal parliament, which is currently investigating NSA spying in Germany, including the eavesdropping of Merkel's own mobile phone. But that wasn't the case. Instead, the Americans delivered a more differentiated letter, making it all the more interesting.

Canned Answers

Nevertheless, the German government remained silent about the letter's existence. It disposed of all queries by saying that talks with the US on how to deal with the lists were still ongoing. The government kept giving the same reply whenever journalists from SPIEGEL or other media asked if it had received an answer from the Americans.

On May 11, for example, one day after Chancellery officials received the letter, Merkel's spokesman Steffen Seibert responded to a query by saying: "The heads of the Parliamentary Control Panel (responsible for parliamentary oversight of Germany's intelligence agencies) and the NSA investigative committee are all being informed about all relevant things in the context of this consultation process." Is it not relevant when the US government provides its first official response to the Germans' request to present the lists to parliament?

Two days later, on May 13, Seibert was asked explicitly by a reporter whether there had been any new developments on the NSA issue. "I have nothing new to report," the government spokesman answered. At the very least, his reply was a deliberate deception of the public by the government. The letter, after all, didn't come from just anyone -- it came from US President Barack Obama's White House chief of staff, Denis McDonough. A letter from such a high-ranking official is most certainly a new development. When questioned by SPIEGEL on the matter, the German government responded that "it would not publicly comment on confidential communications with foreign parties."

Several sources familiar with the contents of the letter claim that in it, Obama's people express their great respect for the parliamentary oversight of intelligence services and also accept that the committee will learn more about the NSA target list. At the same time, the letter also includes the decisive requirement: that the German government had to make sure no information contained in the target lists went public.

Keeping the Public in the Dark

The demand created a dilemma for the government. It meant, on the one Hand, that Merkel's Chancellery could no longer hide behind the Americans as an excuse to withhold the information from parliament. On the other hand, the Chancellery didn't want to take the risk of sharing the lists with members of the Bundestag because doing so, they worried, would create the risk that someone might then leak them to the media.

Merkel and her people instead deliberately kept German citizens and members of parliament in the dark about the Americans' position. Almost two weeks after receipt of the letter from Washington, Merkel's chief of staff, Chancellery Minister Peter Altmaier, informed the heads of the NSA investigative committee in a highly confidential meeting of an answer by the Americans, but he implied it had been vague, and there was no mention of any willingness on the part of the US government to allow the German parliament to clarify the issue. Instead, Altmaier argued that Washington had listed a number of legal concerns. He said it was unlikely further discussions would lead to any green light.

Chancellery chief of staff Peter Altmaier: "We could have spared ourselves a difficult debate."
DPA

Chancellery chief of staff Peter Altmaier: "We could have spared ourselves a difficult debate."

When the German weekly Die Zeit reported 10 days ago that the Americans had given their okay for the release of the lists, Altmaier responded: "We could have spared ourselves a difficult debate if permission to pass (the lists) on had actually been given by the US." Altmaier clearly attempted to skirt the question of whether the US had made any statements on the issue.

Officials in the Chancellery are now doing their best to portray the McDonough letter as a kind of kick-off in German-American consultations on how to deal with the selector lists. After receiving the letter, Chancellery Minister Altmaier had a number of exchanges with his US counterpart by phone and email. In addition, Klaus-Dieter Fritsche, the Chancellery's intelligence coordinator, also spoke several times with the Americans.

Berlin's approach to the negotiations says quite a bit about the outcome one should expect. Officially, the German government is asking for permission to release the selector lists without the application of any restrictions by the US government. It had to have been clear to everyone involved that a demand like that would be unrealistic, but in this instance, the government didn't want to risk making any mistakes. Within the Chancellery, officials then agreed that any time they were approached with questions, they would always answer that the consultations were still in progress -- even if a decision had already been made.

Pushback from the Opposition

"The Federal Chancellery is doing exactly the opposite of what Merkel promised," criticizes Konstantin von Notz, the Green Party's representative on the NSA investigative committee. "Instead of clearing things up, things are being concealed behind the scenes, also using improper means."

As the course of the NSA scandal showed, Merkel and her people already have practice when it comes to cover-up attempts. During her election campaign in 2013, Merkel created the impression for months that there was a chance Germany might be able to reach a no-spy agreement with the US. Throughout, the White House signaled behind the scenes that it would never agree to one, but the German government told the public nothing about these discussions.

Now, a special ombudsman is supposed to steer the government out of the difficult situation in which it finds itself. It's an idea that originated with Altmaier. Rather than providing the selector lists to the NSA investigative committee in parliament, they will instead be viewed by Kurt Graulich, a former justice with the Federal Administrative Court. Altmaier's hope is that this path will prevent details from being leaked to the press.

The opposition parties in parliament are against the idea. And why shouldn't they be? In recent years, the Chancellery has done everything in its power to downplay spying by US intelligence services on Germany. Altmaier's predecessor, Ronald Pofalla, even went so far in August 2013 as to say that the NSA scandal had been "cleared up." The revelation, arguably the biggest, that Merkel's own mobile phone had been tapped by the NSA followed two months later. Now the Green and Left parties want to prevent the government from choosing its own inspector. They are considering a legal challenge at the Federal Constitutional Court to stop Merkel's government.

Article...
Comments
Discuss this issue with other readers!
5 total posts
Show all comments
Page 1
mikej 08/21/2015
1. My view.
I see the American hegemony is making enemies of our friends in Germany in Europe. I saw American Cultural Imperialism while I was serving in the US Army in Frankfurt am Main. I once returned to Gibbs Kaserne and I saw the fence that was surrounding in a different light. I saw that fence didn't protect us from Germans. That fence protected Germans from us.
Inglenda2 08/22/2015
2. Looking back
The deliberate deception of the German folk, goes well back to times long before Alfred-Ingemar Berndt wrote his books about German politics. Little has been changed in the upper circles of society since then. The truth is treated like an unexploded bomb. How can Germany claim to be a sovereign state, when it needs the permission of foreign powers, before it is able to say why it is not protecting its people against illegal activities? Is this the sort of political transparency which has so often been promised, to the electorate, before voting took place? Following the creation of the partly re-unified Germany, 1989/1990, it became obvious that many of the methods, used in the GDR, were being introduced into the Bundes-Republic. A free democratic German nation, is obviously just not desired, by the majority of representatives sitting in parliament. The parties in their zest for power, have not and apparently do not intend, to take notice of the wishes of the population. Nevertheless, it would be unfair to say, that only Mrs . Merkel and the other communist educated politicians, are answerable for the conditions which now exist. Russian leaders are known to have expressed their astonishment, as former Chancellor Kohl refused to keep his and the Bundestag promise, towards German displaced persons, about the return to their homelands. It would seem, that for him, as for many others today, a place in the history books, was/is more important than human rights, or principles, ever were.
clinesteron 08/23/2015
3. Poodles
Time to stop cringing to the US. US instigated sanctions against Russia hurt Europe, but not US. US firms trade freely with Russia still. Get up off your knees, Merkel.
gerhard38 08/24/2015
4. Liars, Liars, Liars
Lying by the Merkel-Government to us has reached epic proportions. If this bunch of sleaze bags doesn't lie to us, they are tight-lipped until they have swept the problem under the carpet. One can't help it to think about Merkel's government as the most dishonest bunch of corrupted politicians in our country since 1945. It is disgusting and shameful how these elected officials and civil servants disregard their duties and violate the oath when they took office. Their behaviour makes an accomplished scoundrel blush.
Jim in MD 08/25/2015
5. What about France?
The authors seem shocked to find that Germany actively worked with the NSA to spy on Europe. So did the BND spy on French companies, its much vaunted friends, to gain advantages for German companies? SPIEGEL's curiosity seem limited to finding American wrongdoing around the world. Even on its German-language site, I'm surprised to find only timid criticism of German actions in the world.
Show all comments
Page 1

© SPIEGEL ONLINE 2015
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH


TOP
Die Homepage wurde aktualisiert. Jetzt aufrufen.
Hinweis nicht mehr anzeigen.