International


03/10/2009
 

Interview with US Ambassador Pickering

'Window of Opportunity' for US-Russia Relations

Ties between Washington and Moscow have been frosty in recent years. But former US Ambassador Thomas Pickering sees a golden opportunity for improvement. He spoke with SPIEGEL ONLINE about how Russia could help with Iran and Afghanistan.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Vice President Joe Biden, President Barack Obama himself -- they all promise to press the "reset button" on ties with Russia. Is that realistic?

A new era is US-Russian relations?
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REUTERS

A new era is US-Russian relations?

Thomas Pickering: I think there is a real window of opportunity to jumpstart the relationship between Moscow and Washington. The expectations are extremely low after the standstill of the past years. And the Obama administration is off to a good start. They really seem determined to engage in a new dialogue.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: But Moscow reacted rather coolly to Obama's letter to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev,in which he seemed to offer to abandon the US missile shield in Europe in exchange for more Russian cooperation on the nuclear dispute with Iran.

Pickering: I have not seen that letter; I have only seen what the Russians said to the press. But I was not really surprised that the Russians were not too enthused. One has to remember: Russian politicians always welcome the opportunity to criticize the Americans. Former Russian President Vladimir Putin brilliantly used this to help his political standing at home, and it was not much different when I served as US ambassador in Moscow in the 1990s. That is just the way Russians look at the relationship with Washington -- and that won't change all of a sudden.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Were you surprised that the Obama administration seemed to offer a complete abandonment of the missile shield in the letter to Medvedev?

Pickering : I think it was overreach in trying to suggest a "quid pro quo" between the missile shield and the solution of the Iran issue. The Russians are not interested in looking at it this way. I think there is still room for debate on the missile shield. We have had discussions with the Russians about common missile defense beginning with (President George H.W. Bush). These negotiations were abandoned, but they could be resumed. You ask me whether the Obama administration wants to stop the missile shield entirely? I don't know. Maybe they just want to delay it. After all, even if we find a solution to the Iranian nuclear issue, we still have North Korea and its nuclear bombs to worry about.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: How could the US convince Russia to become more supportive of its new initiative to stop the Iranian nuclear program?

Pickering : This is going to be difficult. Neither Russia nor China appears terribly interested now in stronger sanctions against Iran. I don't know how to get them more enthusiastic about this. The US and its allies should rather propose turning Iran's nuclear enrichment efforts into a multinational program with strong inspection. Under this approach, the Iranian government would agree to allow two or more additional governments -- for example, France and Germany -- to participate in the management and operation of those activities within Iran. In exchange, Tehran would be able to jointly own and operate an enrichment facility without facing international sanctions. Resolving the nuclear issue would, in turn, make it possible to end sanctions and for Iran to enjoy a variety of other benefits, such as membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), increased trade with Europe and, perhaps, normalized relations with the United States.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Support from Moscow could also be very helpful for US policies in Afghanistan and other regions. What incentives could get the Russians on board more often?

Pickering : We should try to strengthen the dialogue with them on many topics they are interested in: disarmament treaties, missile defense, more open trade. There are many potential areas for cooperation. And we should offer Moscow clear incentives. For instance, we should strengthen NATO-Russian consultation, and we should signal stronger support for Russian WTO membership.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Russia has been hit hard by the financial crisis and falling oil prices. Do you see more willingness on their side to cooperate?

Pickering : I think they realize they are no longer capable of dealing with global problems on their own. I certainly saw signs that they were interested in cooperation late last year even before the financial crisis really hit home.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: In debates in Washington, it has been said that the Germans could play a major role in facilitating a better dialogue between Moscow and Washington. Is that realistic?

Pickering: I think they can be very helpful -- but to facilitate, not mediate. My feeling is that there are no fundamental differences between Americans and Germans in their approach toward Russia. So, they could play a helpful role.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Some people even talk about a new Ostpolitik (or "Eastern policy" -- an effort developed beginning in 1969 to normalize West Germany's relations with countries in Eastern Europe)...

Pickering : Germany already has an Ostpolitik, and it is working. Also, Russians and Americans can still speak to each other; they don't really need an intermediary. So assuming such a role for the Germans might be a step too far.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Do you see any other risks of a stronger German involvement in US-Russian relations?

Pickering : I think they have to be careful to operate within the framework of a strong EU partnership with the US. The Russians have an inclination to drive a wedge between the Americans and the Europeans. If the Germans try to freelance outside the bounds of the area of common agreements, that could end up creating difficulties.

Interview conducted by Gregor Peter Schmitz

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