By Bernhard Zand in Baghdad
The lofty ambitions of men like al-Rubaie and Chalabi are more than the self-important dreams of those who yearn to return to the seat of power. In fact, the actions and words of those who are already in power are not appreciably different.
In early June, Prime Minister al-Maliki held a reception for his 300 highest-ranking officers. An American in uniform who also wanted to attend was turned away. What followed was a litany of praise for the "Master," words that triggered a sense of déjà vu in anyone who remembered Saddam's Iraq.
As the prime minister spoke, the rows of underlings to his left and right gratefully and dutifully wrote down every word of self-praise he uttered. "Maliki is currently experiencing a power trip," says a member of the Iraqi parliament who witnessed a similar performance a short time later at a meeting with the leaders of the parties represented in parliament. "He openly threatened us: If anyone had anything negative to say about him and his Dawa party, then he would certainly be able to find something against that person as well."
Western businesspeople and even diplomats relate anecdotes of how Iraqi ministers and bureaucrats have taken to looking down on them. The understandable sense of satisfaction at slowly feeling themselves to be masters of their own country sometimes turns into sheer arrogance. Iraqi officials sometimes show up hours late for appointments or cancel them on short notice and without explanation. The Iraqis are particularly sensitive -- and this, too, is understandable to a degree -- when Europeans and Americans continue to descend on their offices with small armies of bodyguards.
"We realize that we will have to exercise more restraint in the future," says one diplomat. But one thing is noticeable, he adds: Hardly any of these ministers and senior officials has brought home their own families from abroad. "Our security concerns are justified."
Only Interested in Money
Also justified are the doubts as to whether the political class in Baghdad will legitimize their conspicuous self-confidence at some point in the next six months. "I don't think anything important will happen before the elections," says Shatha al-Musawi, an independent female member of parliament who, as part of the parliament's finance committee, is charged with keeping tabs on the government -- to the extent that this is even possible.
"The gentlemen," says al-Musawi, "are currently not the least bit interested" in the key issues for Iraq, such as the law on dividing up the country's oil wealth between the central government and the provinces, the return of the technocrats who were members of Saddam's Baath party to their positions in the government ministries and the fight against corruption. "All they are interested in is whether they will be in the same positions after the election and whether they will control the same budgets."
According to al-Musawi, the current scope of corruption and the audacity with which Iraq's powerful are siphoning off money from the government budget is difficult to explain to outsiders. "Take, for example, al-Rubaie, the national security adviser. By law, he is entitled to a staff of 60 employees. We have discovered that he had 273." Or Shirwan al-Waili, another of the many ministers who also deal with national security issues. "He has a budget for 20 people, but he employs thousands." When the parliament's budget committee attempted to summon al-Waili to testify, its members suddenly received threatening phone calls from the Interior and Defense Ministries telling them not to interfere.
Some of the offences are so drastic that even the prime minister can no longer avoid sacking members of his own party. In late May, for example, an aircraft that had taken off toward the south was ordered to return to Baghdad Airport. Sitting in business class was Trade Minister Falah al-Sudani, who was fleeing the country, headed for Dubai. He is now in prison -- as are two officials who ordered the plane to return with al-Sudani without first asking al-Maliki for permission.
"Whatever you hear about the big deals you can supposedly make here, forget it," says a businessman whose company took the bold step of coming to Baghdad a few months ago -- and is now considering leaving again. "Maybe in three, five or 10 years. This isn't Eastern Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain. This is West Africa." He says that he spends a lot of time meeting with officials, fending off more or less open demands for bribes.
Too Small to Rule, Too Big to Subjugate
"It is so depressing, and our influence is so small, that I will certainly not run for parliament a second time," says Shatha al-Musawi.
Of course, says al-Musawi, she too is pleased to watch the US convoys gradually disappearing from the streets and to observe the gradual dismantling of the tall concrete walls that had transformed Baghdad from a city of millions into an agglomeration of military camps and fortified neighborhoods. Who can describe the joy of Iraqis when, beginning this week, they will be able to drive home along the previously closed highway between the parliament and the Al Rasheed Hotel, instead of spending hours stuck in brutal traffic jams? It is as if New York City's Lincoln Tunnel had been closed for six long years.
Of course, says Shatha al-Musawi, she too sees the enormous potential of her country, which is only waiting for a leadership who can finally liberate it. Iraq in 2009, says Ahmed Chalabi, has at least one thing in common with Germany after the war: It is a country that is too small to dominate its neighbors, and yet too big to allow itself to be subjugated by any of them.
The only question is if he is referring to World War I or World War II. And the question of what Iraq can expect to face next: a Wirtschaftswunder-style economic miracle -- or a Weimar Republic?
Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan
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