The Philosophy of War: New FilmáDepicts Bernard-Henri LÚvy's Role in Libya
French philosopher Bernard-Henri LÚvy was a major reason for his country's proactive role in supporting rebel efforts to topple Libyan autocrat Moammar Gadhafi. Now, a new film -- by LÚvy himself -- takes a closer look at BHL's role in the revolution.
What does this man in a suit and open-collared shirt want from me? That seems to be the question that Mustafa Abdul-Jalil, leader of the Libyan rebels, was asking himself the first time he sat across from the French philosopher Bernard-Henri LÚvy.
The images are from a film that is currently being completed, a work about Bernard-Henri LÚvy and by Bernard-Henri LÚvy. And by Marc Roussel, the Paris photographer who accompanied and filmed LÚvy during his trips to Libya last year.
LÚvy, known in France by the acronym BHL, is one of his country's most controversial figures, and a man who is often mocked by his critics for his legendary vanity. But it is also beyond dispute that he played a central role in the Libyan war. LÚvy convinced French President Nicolas Sarkozy to meet with the rebel leaders when the insurgency was on the verge of defeat. BHL urged Sarkozy to support the rebels militarily. As a result, a leftist intellectual and a conservative president went to war together -- a scenario that is likely only possible in France.
LÚvy, 63, published some of his experiences as a literary diary in the fall, and now he is providing the corresponding images. "This film is the history of a guy who pressed a button," says LÚvy in the cafÚ of a five-star hotel in Saint-Germain on the Left Bank. The "guy" is Marc Roussel, his photographer, who had the presence of mind to activate the video function on his camera at key moments.
Wavy Hair in a War Zone
The film is still in production, but an excerpt already underscores the sheer foolhardiness of LÚvy's venture. One of those moments, absurd, comical and yet historic, is the first meeting between LÚvy and rebel leader Abdul-Jalil.
Next to Abdul-Jalil, the Frenchman looks as out of place as a well-dressed philosopher with long, wavy hair can look in a war zone. The Libyan looks skeptical. He has no idea who this man is.
"Mr. Abdul-Jalil," LÚvy says solemnly, speaking French. "I am no politician. I am no man of action. I am merely a writer. But like you, I believe that it is better to act than to speak." A man off-screen translates, while another man asks impatiently: "Do you have a letter from the international community?"
"Give me five minutes!" LÚvy replies.
Then he continues in English: "Since my arrival, I have recognized that we can provide you with three things," which he then proceeds to list: First, a no-fly zone, and second, the bombardment of the airports in Sabha and Sirt, and of then Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi's bunker in Tripoli. Third, LÚvy says, Gadhafi can no longer be accepted as Libya's representative internationally, which Abdul-Jalil and his Transitional Council will do in the future.
Abdul-Jalil listens motionlessly. LÚvy is improvising the speech of his life. "Now, I have a friend -- in France," he says. "Who is Mr. Sarkozy. I'm not a partisan of Sarkozy, but we are friends. Personal friends. We will take the plane tomorrow, we are in Paris Monday morning and President Sarkozy will receive you and with all the others -- or your representatives -- at Palais de l'╔lysÚe. This is the first step toward recognition. France will be the first country to officially receive the head of your council."
'Now We Call Sarkozy'
Roussel, the photographer who filmed the scene, still finds it spellbinding today. "That was the decisive moment when I realized that something unbelievable was happening in front of me. So I started filming." He laughs. "What a monumental bluff," he says. "He had to have a lot of guts to make such an offer without having spoken with Sarkozy first. I still remember what I said to Bernard afterwards: And what do we do now? He replied: That's easy. Now we call Sarkozy."
Roussel also filmed LÚvy in his ensuing conversations with Sarkozy via satellite phone. He was in Benghazi, BHL told his friend, the president, and the rebels had just formed a council. Would Sarkozy be willing to meet with them?
The president asked for some time to think about it. After two hours, he called back to announce that he would receive Abdul-Jalil in Paris. Things went very quickly after that. The Libyans came to the ElysÚe Palace, and French Foreign Minister Alain JuppÚ was furious because he was only told about the meeting afterwards. France recognized the Transitional Council as Libya's government and convinced the Americans and the British to follow suit.
On March 19, hardly 48 hours after the United Nations Security Council had adopted its resolution on Libya, French jets attacked Gadhafi's tanks. A philosopher in a white Dior shirt had led the West into war.
LÚvy beams when he is asked about his first meeting with Abdul-Jalil. The poker game he was playing still amuses him today. "It was a bet," he says. At the time, he hadn't been in contact with Sarkozy in years.
The two men have known each other since 1983, when LÚvy lived in Neuilly, an upscale Paris suburb, where Sarkozy had just been elected mayor. In the small world of Paris, it's nothing unusual for a leftist intellectual and a conservative politician to become friends. But the two had a falling out during the 2007 election campaign, when LÚvy supported the Socialist candidate SÚgolŔne Royal. Sarkozy's advisory Henri Guaino called the philosopher "a pretentious little asshole."
Not Voting for Sarkozy
Since their joint war in Libya, an unusual closeness has developed between LÚvy and the president. "I discovered a seriousness in him that I liked, a toughness that I didn't know and a sense for the country and history that surprised me," says LÚvy. It will make it difficult for him to vote against Sarkozy in the upcoming presidential election, he adds. "But there are now so many other things in his campaign of which I disapprove, so I won't vote for him." He can't abide the way Sarkozy is stirring up the mood against Muslims and foreigners.
Nevertheless, the two men are still close, now that they have done each other a service. LÚvy enabled Sarkozy to achieve the biggest foreign policy success of his presidency, and the president helped make LÚvy's old desire to influence world politics a reality.
LÚvy had tried it several times before. During the Bosnian war, he went to see Alija Izetbegovi, the leader of the Bosnian Muslims. In Afghanistan, he once met with General Ahmed Sheikh Massoud. He said a similar thing to both men: I want you to come to Paris and meet the president. But neither of the two former presidents in question, Franšois Mitterand or Jacques Chirac, was interested in helping. "I am a person who tries. I have spent my entire life trying things," says LÚvy.
He sees his commitment on behalf of the Libyan revolution in the tradition of French Colonel Philippe Leclerc. After the African triumphal march by the Free French Forces in 1941, he made a pledge called the "Oath of Kufra": "Swear not to lay down arms until our colors, our beautiful colors, float on the Strasbourg Cathedral." LÚvy's film will be called "Le serment de Tobrouk," or "The Oath of Tobruk."
Not a Shadow of a Doubt
LÚvy also couldn't stay in Paris after NATO began its invasion last March. He took five trips to Libya and toured the war zone, accompanied by Roussel, an assistant and a bodyguard. They went to Misrata and the Nafusa Mountains, and after Gadhafi was overthrown, they celebrated in Tripoli.
More than a year after LÚvy's first visit to Benghazi, Libya still isn't a proper country. It is unclear when elections will take place, the country has no leadership and militias are grappling for power. "People are saying whatever they feel like. Libya is in much better shape than I read everywhere," says LÚvy. "The militias aren't making laws, and the disarming process is well underway. Life has resumed in Benghazi and Tripoli, and the Islamists will be weaker than in Egypt." It seems as if he were taking the criticism of progress in Libya personally. Although, on a recent trip, he filmed inside some prisons due to concerns about reports of torture. He remains cautious, but says they were "rather positively surprised" by what they saw.
He refuses to allow pessimists to diminish his campaign. A year ago, when he was sitting with Abdul-Jalil, he didn't know how his bet would turn out, he says. "Today I am happy and worried, but mostly happy. I believe deeply that I was right. In fact, I don't have a shadow of a doubt that I was."
Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan
Stay informed with our free news services:
ę SPIEGEL ONLINE 2012
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH
Click on the links below for more information about DER SPIEGEL's history, how to subscribe or purchase the latest issue of the German-language edition in print or digital form or how to obtain rights to reprint SPIEGEL articles.
- Frequently Asked Questions: Everything You Need to Know about DER SPIEGEL
- Six Decades of Quality Journalism: The History of DER SPIEGEL
- A New Home in HafenCity: SPIEGEL's New Hamburg HQ
- Reprints: How To License SPIEGEL Articles
Corriere della Sera
MORE FROM SPIEGEL INTERNATIONAL
German PoliticsMerkel's Moves: Power Struggles in Berlin
World War IITruth and Reconciliation: Why the War Still Haunts Europe
EnergyGreen Power: The Future of Energy
European UnionUnited Europe: A Continental Project
Climate ChangeGlobal Warming: Curbing Carbon Before It's Too Late