SPIEGEL Interview with Mikhail Khodorkovsky: 'I Had No Interest in Being an Enemy of the Kremlin or a Martyr'

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SPIEGEL: Two years after Dmitry Medvedev took office as president, the Putin-Medvedev tandem seems to have reached its limits. Medvedev complains about the "primitive commodities economy" and "rampant corruption," but he can't dissolve the government, because it would be a coup against Putin. How could the country get itself out of the crisis?

Khodorkovsky: Of course, the commodities-oriented economy is a risk when world market prices are unstable. Commodities still make up about 70 percent of Russian exports. Russia could bank on other advantages, like its halfway decent education system and its relatively inexpensive labor force. The second advantage hardly exists anymore. Because of high oil prices, wages are growing at a faster rate than productivity. That leaves education. Even though the level of education is now declining, it's still sufficient for the development of a post-industrial, innovative economy. Russia just needs to develop a different approach to people.

Who can produce new ideas or companies when personal safety isn't even guaranteed, and when the fruits of labor can be collected at any moment for the benefit of a corrupt bureaucracy? My example signals to the potential founders of innovative companies that Russia isn't the place to do it. In short, we have no choice. A push to modernize is impossible without political reforms. Putin has to show that he places the interests of the country over those of the bureaucracy and his own ambitions.

SPIEGEL: Everyone is talking about modernization these days, but they can't agree on how to go about doing it. Some say that liberalization of the political and economic system is needed, while others are calling for a strong state and a "good dictatorship."

Khodorkovsky: It's stupid to believe that you can build a strong state and a modern economy with a "good dictatorship." A strong state would have to consist of effective democratic institutions: independent courts, a professional, strong parliament, an influential opposition that is not radicalized by external pressure, honest elections, a well-developed civil society and independent mass media. The "good dictatorship" -- that's the bureaucrats dream.

SPIEGEL: Before you were arrested, you often sought the advice of Western politicians, from (former US Secretary of State) Henry Kissinger to former German Economics Minister Otto Graf Lambsdorff. What do you expect of Western politicians today?

Khodorkovsky: My acquaintanceship with Western politicians helped me understand their views of Russia and international politics. Common strategic interests are based on common fundamental values. I am grateful to many Western politicians for following my trial with interest. Many of them are Germans.

SPIEGEL: German Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger met with your mother on her first day in office. Are such efforts helpful?

Khodorkovsky: I make no secret of the fact that public interest in my case is very important to me. But I'm convinced that the solution to my problem will only be found in Russia.

SPIEGEL: We assume that you won't tell us what's left of your assets after all these years of persecution. Nevertheless, how much longer can you pay for your defense and the worldwide campaign to support you?

Khodorkovsky: These expenses reflect what my family and my friends are able to do. And even if they do not achieve justice while I'm still alive, they will continue to fight this battle without me.

SPIEGEL: Mr. Khodorkovsky, we thank you for this interview.

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• Part 1: 'I Had No Interest in Being an Enemy of the Kremlin or a Martyr'
• Part 2: 'Yukos Was the Country's Third-Largest Taxpayer'
• Part 3: 'I Was not a Rober Baron'
• Part 4: 'The Solution to My Problem Will only Be Found in Russia'