Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi and Israeli Vice Prime Minister Silvan Shalom don't have all that much in common, but they do share one thing: Neither thinks much of the revolution in Tunisia.
"I fear that we now stand before a new and very critical phase in the Arab world," Shalom, who was himself born in Tunisia in 1958, said in an interview aired on Israeli radio on Jan. 14. Israel and the majority of its Arab neighbors now agree on the importance of fighting Islamic fundamentalism, Shalom said. His concern lies with what might happen if Arab states start becoming democratic. He fears Tunisia might "set a precedent that could be repeated in other countries, possibly affecting directly the stability of our system." If democratic governments take over Israel's neighboring states, the vice prime minister said, the days of the Arab-Israeli security alliance will be over.
Gadhafi also complained that he was "very pained" to see his friend Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's regime collapse and Tunisia descend into fear and insecurity. "What is this for?" he asked. "To change Zine El Abidine? Hasn't he told you he would step down after three years? Be patient for three years and your son stays alive."
The revolution in the Maghreb presents a difficult dilemma not only to Tunisia's neighbors, but also to Europe, the United States and Israel. Indeed, the dilemma embodies the central question of Middle Eastern politics in general: Which is more important -- democracy or stability?
Last Wednesday, when Arab leaders gathered in Egyptian Red Sea resort city Sharm el-Sheikh, for the Arab economic summit, it was the first time Tunisian dictator Ben Ali was missing from their ranks. The summit's hosts tried in vain to steer the conversation away from the unprecedented events in Tunisia. "The Tunisian revolution is not far from us," Arab League leader Amr Moussa said in his opening remarks for the conference. "The Arab citizen entered an unprecedented state of anger and frustration," he added, noting that "the Arab soul is broken by poverty, unemployment and general recession."
Speaking after Moussa, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak didn't even mention Tunisia, preferring instead to address the importance of economic cooperation, which he called a "requirement for national security." It was a bold denial of the reality that Moussa had just clearly described. After all, the conditions in Tunisia also apply to most of the other 21 Arab states and the Palestinian territories -- and sometimes even much more so.
Young Masses Led by Old Men
The populations of these countries are young and unhappy. Indeed, 53.4 percent -- or roughly 190 million out of a current population of 352 million Arabs -- are younger than 24 years old, and nearly three-quarters of them are unemployed. In many cases, the education these young people receive doesn't do them any good because there are no jobs in the fields they trained for. Many are 35 or even 40 before they can afford to marry. In essence, this is a violation of a basic human right perpetrated against millions in countries such as Egypt, where life expectancy is nine years less than it is in Germany, or in Yemen, where the figure is almost 15 years lower.
Governments in these countries, on the other hand, are corrupt and outdated. Indeed, before Ben Ali's ouster, the leaders of North Africa's five countries had enjoyed a combined total of 115 years in office. The countries' youth ministers are generally old men.
In countries such as Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, demographics, governments run by old men and widespread malaise are forming a dangerous mix. Although it is aware of the situation, the West continues to support the old rulers.
A Problem throughout North Africa
Take the example of Algeria. In recent weeks, Tunisia's western neighbor has seen riots like those in Tunisia. According to a 2008 report from the US Embassy in Algiers that was leaked to the Wikileaks website, the US State Department considers the Algerian government "fragile" and riddled with "unprecedented levels of corruption." Likewise, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the country's 73-year-old president, is "isolated" and has lost touch with reality. According to the document, Bouteflika is trying to groom his brother Said, around 20 years his junior, to be his successor. The country, one source cited in the document said, is "sitting on a volcano" and its young men feel "grim" and only left with a choice "between death at sea and a slow, gradual death at home."
Another embassy cable is entitled "The Harraga: Give Me Dignity or Give Me Death" after the name for would-be illegal emigrants trying to escape across the Mediterranean. It reports that refugee boats set off from the port city of Annaba each week "filled with a cross-section of frustrated young Algerians -- doctors, lawyers, dropouts, the unemployed." Even members of the country's elite are fleeing. "The grandson of former president Chadli Bendjedid, 29-year-old Mourad Bendjedid, left on Feb. 8, 2007 along with six other young men and has not been heard from since."
American diplomats sent similar reports from Morocco. There, dozens of college graduates camped out in the hopes of being hired as civil servants, people who'd given up hope began setting themselves on fire three years ago, and "corrupt practices" have "become much more institutionalized" under King Mohammed VI.
Meanwhile, their colleagues in Libya reported that the regime there had things much less under control than it appeared and that Gadhafi found himself in "a downward spiral" after being disgraced by his sons' excesses.
At the same time, American diplomats acknowledge what these and other Arab governments have accomplished in terms of averting terrorist attacks, thwarting Islamists and establishing dynasties that offer stability even if they do not provide democracy that meets Western standards.
Stay informed with our free news services:
|All news from SPIEGEL International||Twitter | RSS|
|All news from World section||RSS|
© SPIEGEL ONLINE 2011
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH