
The Gadhafi Cables US Diplomats Struggle with an Eccentric Despot
The "Great Leader" likes to wear jogging pants along with well-worn slippers and a shirt bearing a silhouette of Africa. He often fasts on Mondays and Thursdays, and he usually lives in a simple house rather than the kind of Bedouin-style tent often associated with him.
The floors in this house are creaky, the white walls are bare, and the household servants wear street clothes. Indeed, in private, 68-year-old Moammar Gadhafi -- the colonel, the leader of the Libyan revolution and the author of the literary debut entitled "The Village, the Village, the Earth, the Earth and the Suicide of the Astronauts" -- is a very unassuming fellow.
Still -- at least as the Americans see him -- Gadhafi is also a man plagued by paranoia, anxiety and neuroses, a man who only trusts his closest advisers, a man whose pride is easily wounded and a man who will suffer no criticism. Indeed, for the Americans, Gadhafi is a despot who lost touch with reality long ago and whose only information about the broader world comes from what his aides tell him.
Whenever he feels like it, Gadhafi opens or closes his country's oil spigot, be it to penalize countries for insubordinate behavior or to cover special expenses. In 2009, for example, he let 100,000 extra barrels of oil flow in order to pay for the party he held to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the "revolution" -- a luxurious gala complete with Spanish flamenco dancers and bands from New Zealand.

This is the picture that emerges from 599 reports sent from the US Embassy and liaison office in Tripoli, the Libyan capital, to Washington between December 2004 and February 2010. And most of them have something to do with the "Great Leader" himself.
In one dispatch, Ambassador Gene Cretz comments: "While it is tempting to dismiss his many eccentricities as signs of instability, Qadhafi* is a complicated individual who has managed to stay in power for forty years through a skillful balancing of interests and realpolitik methods."
The American diplomats in Tripoli monitoring Gadhafi and his clan are occasionally amused, but more often their mood is one of concern. They have to tread a fine line between wanting to protect the interests of American oil companies and being expected to pressure the Libyan regime to observe human rights. But, as was shown by the attempted "human rights dialogue" in September 2009, the latter of these appears to be somewhat of a compulsory but vain exercise in the domain of diplomacy with despots. When the talks concluded, the Libyans simply declared that the country had no need for a civil society, anyway.
Americans dispatched to Libya report in great detail on Gadhafi's peculiarities, the airs and graces of his sons and the degree to which his advisers fear his wrath. For example, they closely monitored how wounded pride led him to take two Swiss citizens hostage and humiliate the Swiss government, how he almost forced Canada to its knees by threatening to nationalize the assets of PetroCanada and how he more or less compelled the British to extradite Abdel Baset al-Megrahi, the only man convicted of the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, which exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, killing 270 people, most of them Americans.
As one dispatch explained: "The British ambassador expressed relief that Megrahi likely would be returned to Libya under the compassionate release program. He noted that a refusal of Megrahi's request could have had disastrous implications for British interests in Libya. 'They could have cut us off at the knees, just like the Swiss.'"
A Shrewd Negotiator
Indeed, when it comes to the business of political extortion, Gadhafi is a master. One of the best examples of this comes from the fall of 2009, when a highly secretive US mission went bust. The plan involved transporting 5.2 kilograms (11.5 pounds) of highly enriched uranium from Libya's Tajura nuclear research center to Russia in accordance with Libya's commitment to abandon its atomic program.
The Libyan government initially agreed to have the uranium taken away, but Gadhafi abruptly pulled the emergency brake after the Russian plane had already landed. After waiting it out for a few days, the team from Rosatom, Russia's state-run nuclear company, chose to fly back empty-handed on November 25.
In one report on the affair, the Americans wrote: "The 5.2 kilograms of of HEU (highly enriched uranium) are stored in seven five-ton casks, which Department of Energy experts said are 'highly transportable'."
The report went on to say that the problem needed to be solved within one month's time because, after that, the uranium's temperature "could reach such a level to cause cracking on the casks and release of radioactive material." The report then warned officials back in Washington that: "Given the highly transportable nature of the highly enriched uranium and the shoddy security at Tajoura, any mention of this issue in the press could pose serious security concerns."
ORIGINALS: The Key Libyan Cables
Click on the headlines below to read the full texts...
XXXXXX: Redacted by the editors.
<<225581>>
9/17/2009 10:49
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TAGS: PREL, PGOV, PHUM, LY
SUBJECT: HUMAN RIGHTS DIALOGUE REBOUNDS AFTER DIFFICULT START
REF: TRIPOLI 677
C o n f i d e n t i a l section 01 of 05 tripoli 000748
Sipdis
Dept for nea/mag, l (bob harris), drl (kari johnstone). Dept
please pass to nsc (scott busby) and ovp (herro mustafa).
E.o. 12958: decl: 9/17/2019
Tags: prel, pgov, phum, ly
Subject: human rights dialogue rebounds after difficult start
Ref: tripoli 677
Tripoli 00000748 001.2 of 005
CLASSIFIED BY: Gene A. Cretz, Ambassador, U.S. Embassy Tripoli,
Department of State.
REASON: 1.4 (b), (d)
1. (C) Summary: An interagency team led by Acting A/S for DRL
Karen Stewart, and comprised of State, NSC, and OVP
representatives, launched with Libyan counterparts a bilateral
Human Rights Dialogue August 18 in Tripoli. Although a bizarre,
last-minute Libyan delegation and agenda switch nearly scuttled
the talks, FM Musa Kusa intervened to restore the original
delegation and agenda, and personally launched the talks. In
his opening remarks, Kusa acknowledged the GOL's need for U.S.
technical assistance in a range of areas, including illegal
immigration and upgrading the capacity of Libya's detention
centers and prisons. Kusa and other GOL officials protested the
critical comments about Libya contained within the annual Human
Rights Report and noted their interest in setting the record
straight on Libya's human rights situation within the context of
the Human Rights Dialogue. Kusa stressed that the GOL viewed
the human rights dialogue as part of a larger group of bilateral
dialogues with the United States on a number of topics,
including security, civil-nuclear cooperation, and
political-military engagement; his emphasis on this point,
coupled with last-minute Libyan changes to the joint statement
(which resulted in agreement for no statement) hinted at a deal
struck with hardliners to put the talks back on track only if
they had a broader -- or no -- public focus. While we will not
know how serious the Libyans are about these talks until we
receive their feedback on the action plans in mid-October, we
are hopeful that they could lead to some positive engagement in
the areas of immigration, refugee issues, and prison conditions.
End Summary.
2. (SBU) The U.S. delegation included xxxxxxxxxxxx
Dialogue begins with a false start
3. (C) The U.S. interagency team led by Acting A/S for DRL Karen
Stewart met with Libyan officials at 1030 local time August 18
at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tripoli to initiate a
bilateral Human Rights Dialogue. While the Libyan side
initially responded positively to the concept of the dialogue
and provided on August 17 a list of participants and an agenda
that paralleled our proposed agenda, the actual GOL team for the
morning session was led by a philosophy professor, a judge, and
the Foreign Minister's interpreter, none of whom was included
among the original delegation. [Note: The GOL told us
originally that their delegation would be led by the Justice
Minister but told us August 17 that the A/S-equivalent for
consular issues would be the lead. End Note.]
4. (C) After introducing himself as "a professor, not a
politician," noting that "politics is the art of tricks,"
philosophy professor Rajab Boudabbous attempted to open the
bilateral Human Rights Dialogue with a lecture on human rights
and the Libyan concept of democracy -- direct rule by the people
or "jamahiriya." The U.S. delegation interrupted Boudabbous'
lecture, halted the talks, and sought information about the
Tripoli 00000748 002.2 of 005
whereabouts of the named GOL delegation. Boudabbous refused to
clarify what had happened and continued with his lecture as if
he had been uninterrupted. The U.S. team withdrew from the
lecture, and taking a few moments to regroup, the Charge
discussed the situation with xxxxxxxxxxxx [Note: Charge attempted to contact
A/S-equivalent for the xxxxxxxxxxxx, who did
not answer his phone throughout the morning. End note.] xxxxxxxxxxxx
told the Charge that he would inform Foreign Minister Musa Kusa
of the U.S. side's objections to the delegation and format of
the dialogue. Charge conveyed the importance of the initiation
of the dialogue, as previously agreed, to the bilateral
relationship and future engagement, including at the upcoming UN
General Assembly session.
5. (C) As the U.S. delegation was in the process of departing
the MFA, FM Kusa arrived but deliberately ignored the Charge's
attempt to discuss the issue with him. Shortly thereafter,
xxxxxxxxxxxx called to inform the Charge that FM Kusa would lead the
dialogue himself at 1830 hours and that he would like to host a
dinner for the team at 2100 hours, as previously scheduled.
Kusa's staff later revised the schedule to begin at 1730 local
time, "to ensure sufficient time for substantive discussions."
Take two: the dialogue finally commences
6. (C) At 1730 local time, the U.S. delegation met an
appropriate GOL interagency team, led by the Foreign Minister,
at Libya's Foreign Ministry. Kusa opened the meeting by
stressing the need for bilateral dialogue. He noted that he had
heard about the U.S. delegation's response to the professor's
viewpoint during the morning meeting, calling it an example of
the "bad chemistry" that had plagued the relationship. Kusa
portrayed the Libyan government as ready to continue a
results-driven human rights dialogue based on mutual respect.
He acknowledged that the GOL needs U.S. assistance to improve
the human rights situation. Specifically, Kusa requested U.S.
assistance to combat illegal immigration and
trafficking-in-persons, to upgrade and build capacity in Libyan
prisons, and to train police. Kusa said that he had requested
EU assistance to tackle the illegal immigration problem,
specifying that in a country of six million people, Libya had
three million immigrants, most of whom were illegal. However,
he said that the European governments did not agree to assist in
combating the problem. With borders 6,000 km long, mostly along
the desert, and poor neighboring countries, Libya "can do
nothing" according to Kusa, to combat illegal immigration
unilaterally. He described a dire situation in Libya, with
increasing crime, disease, and other problems, as the result of
illegal immigration. He said that one human rights organization
(not specifying which one) had brought to his attention the
existence of a trafficking-in-persons problem in Libya, which
Kusa noted could only be identified and combated with foreign
assistance.
7. (C) Kusa further noted that Libya needed to take advantage of
U.S. experience to upgrade Libya's prisons and detention
facilities. He said Libya needed training for police officers
and wardens on how to deal with prisoners in a way that respects
their human rights. Referring to a UK project to upgrade Libyan
prisons and train police officers, Kusa explained that the UK
had sent experts to work on the issue areas he specified but
that Libya needed even more assistance than what the UK was able
to provide.
8. (C) Kusa went on to discuss the method for evaluating human
rights issues on both sides. He asked that the annual State
Department Human Rights Report be a subject of discussion within
the framework of the dialogue. Kusa referred to "fallacies" in
the 2008 Human Rights Report on Libya, specifically recalling a
section on the rights of women and the existence of political
prisoners. On the first issue, he pointed to various facts
proving that women are empowered in Libya - "at least 150 women
work in the Foreign Ministry." Regarding political prisoners,
he insisted that the "political prisoners" to which the report
referred were actually fundamentalists with links to Al Qaeda,
whom the GOL was trying to rehabilitate. He explained that the
Libyan government was "stretching its hands" and "opening its
heart" to dialogue and discussion for the sake of transparency
and to correct the wrong information that the USG was reporting
on the human rights situation in Libya.
9. (C) Acting A/S Stewart thanked Kusa for taking a personal
interest in launching the dialogue, noting that the dialogue
would be integral to broader bilateral efforts to expand
Tripoli 00000748 003.2 of 005
cooperation across several spheres, including
political-military, economic, education, and culture. She noted
that the USG was engaged in human rights dialogues with many
countries throughout the world, as the U.S. Congress and
American people expect, and that the U.S. delegation would
welcome the opportunity to address Libya's needs for technical
assistance in the areas outlined by Kusa. She explained that
the human rights dialogue could be a model for engagement in
other subject areas. NEA/MAG Office Director Maggie Nardi
suggested that issue-specific working groups be designated to
tackle each issue. Kusa expressed his agreement with the
suggestions and emphasized the need for direct political
dialogue in order to address "significant issues." He
highlighted positive bilateral coordination on Darfur with USSES
Gration, as well as the security and military engagement, which
CODEL McCain had recently discussed with Muatassim and Muammar
al-Qadhafi (reftel). Kusa went on to discuss his interest in
broadening the framework for U.S.-Libyan relations in a number
of areas, including combating fundamentalism. Acting A/S Stewart
outlined our proposed framework for the dialogue with twice
yearly senior-level meetings and working groups to advance
progress in the interim on priority topics, including joint
polices and projects involving multilateral institutions, prison
conditions and management, migration and refugees, and specific
human rights cases as they arise. FM Kusa declared his
agreement with this general framework and asked the U.S.
delegation to propose a work plan and timetable for discussing
agenda items and actively addressing them.
Libyan delegation addresses illegal immigration, prisons, u.s.
Human rights report
10. (C) Turning the floor to his delegation, Kusa said that a
group of specialists had been gathered on the Libyan side for
the purpose of the dialogue. Stating "I do not even know all of
their names," Kusa introduced the delegates he recognized and
excused himself from the meeting. During the remaining two
hours of discussion, the Libyan delegates would not admit their
government needed assistance in the areas outlined by Musa Kusa
-- illegal immigration, trafficking in persons, prison upgrades,
or police training. Instead they parsed terms and argued over
definitions. Arguing that Libyan society and culture is
misunderstood by the USG, Abdussalam el-Tumi, Chairman of the
Human Rights Commission at the Ministry of Justice, maintained
that neither "prisoners" nor "prisons" existed in Libya; rather,
Libya has "detention facilities" designed to rehabilitate those
"sons and brothers" who have gone astray. Tumi described a
Libya-UK prison program by which the UK provides technical
assistance and training to Libyan police officers and prison
guards. He said that UK representatives had visited Libya's
criminal detention facilities, photographed, and reported that
detainees were treated in accordance with international human
rights conventions. Tumi described the judicial process by
which detainees are tried and sentenced, laws stipulating
detainee rights, and the treatment of detainees in detention
centers. Tumi eventually admitted that the GOL required
assistance in the care of detainees -- specifically in the
provision of medical care, vocational training, and social
reintegration programs -- as well as in training police officers
and upgrading and building capacity of prison facilities.
11. (C) Tumi asserted that trafficking-in-persons did not exist
in Libya. Regarding the Human Rights Report, Tumi charged that
it was not based on facts, was distanced from reality, and
contained sections that were "laughable." He said that the
Libyan government responded to individual charges of human
rights abuse and that the issue areas outlined by Kusa -
involving women's empowerment and female circumcision - were
misconceived. He insisted that "human rights as a complete
concept" does not exist anywhere in the world, and he expressed
his hope that the dialogue would continue in order to eliminate
all misunderstandings regarding the human rights situation of
each nation.
12. (C) Dr. Mohamed Salah al-Saghir, Head of the Department of
International Law and Agreements at the MFA, also expressed his
support for the dialogue and highlighted the international
conventions and agreements to which Libya was a party. As Libya
was a party to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Saghir said that the Human
Rights Report must be wrong in its assertion that women in Libya
face discrimination. He insisted that international conventions
have supremacy over local law and are embodied within local laws
as soon as the GOL signs them.
Tripoli 00000748 004.2 of 005
13. (C) AA/S Stewart assured the Libyan team that the Embassy
would work with them to discuss their objections to the Human
Rights Report over the next few months. NSC representative
Scott Busby encouraged the GOL to become party to the 1951 UN
Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol and to sign a
Memorandum of Agreement with the UN High Commission on Refugees
as important steps to address Libya's illegal immigration
problem. Busby outlined areas where the U.S. might be able to
provide assistance if Libya would provide assurance that it was
complying with the international treaties and conventions it had
signed involving refugees. Murad Hamim from Libya's
International Organizations Department at the MFA responded that
the GOL did not need to sign the 1951 Convention, as it was
already a party to the 1969 Organization of African Union (OAU)
Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in
Africa, which embodies many of the same principles as the 1951
and 1967 Convention and Protocol. He noted the GOL's surprise
that the USG is not a party to the Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their
Families. Briefly addressing the issue of prisons, Harris noted
that the United States and Libya both had responsibilities under
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and
other treaties to provide proper treatment for persons under
detention and that the United States looked forward to working
with Libya in the context of the Human Rights Dialogue to share
our experiences in efficient and humane management of detention
facilities. In the time before the next meeting we looked
forward to discussing next steps for progress and cooperation on
this issue.
14. (C) Hamid Ahmed Hdhiri of Libya's NSC noted that the problem
of illegal immigration flows into Libya require dramatic
solutions to the root causes of the problem -- solutions that go
beyond security. He called for U.S. assistance to combat the
flow of illegal immigration from both security and economic
perspectives. Hdhiri recognized the value of the 1951 and 1967
UN Refugee Conventions, but he expressed Libya's concern that
the treaty could inflict harm on the country by encouraging
additional immigrants to flow across the borders. He
characterized Libya as a transit, rather than a source country,
for illegal immigrants and called it a "burden" to the nation.
He said that Libya was providing a humanitarian service by
accepting protective responsibility for illegal immigrants who
had been returned from European sea ports. Hdhiri noted that
Muammar al-Qadhafi had suggested that an international
conference convene to address the root causes of immigration
from Sub-Saharan Africa, namely poverty and lack of
opportunities for economic development.
15. (C) Finally, the Libyan delegation asserted that civil
society does not exist in Libya because it is unnecessary.
Representatives justified their statements by claiming that
Libya is a homogenous, unified society in which one group does
not dominate the other, and described civil society
organizations as designed solely to address the needs of groups
which are disadvantaged or discriminated against within a
society. In response to the U.S. delegation's concern about the
registration process for NGOs, one delegate explained that
individuals could form issue-focused "charity groups" to address
specific "causes," such as anti-smoking or environmental
awareness campaigns. The U.S. delegation tried to explain that
"charity groups" might count as "civil society" if only they
were unrelated to the government (although currently no charity
group can be formed outside of the umbrella of a
quasi-governmental organization) and that contacts with similar
groups in the United States and elsewhere would represent the
kind of international communication and links we hope other
civil society groups could enjoy, but the Libyan side did not
appear to grasp our understanding of civil society.
16. (C) Both sides ended the discussion by agreeing that the
U.S. would develop work plans on the agenda items and timelines
for addressing them. They agreed that the next session of the
dialogue would take place after six months and that the U.S.
side would host. Although both sides had agreed before the
dialogue began to the wording for a joint press statement
announcing that the dialogue had been launched, the Libyan side
changed the wording at the last minute to inaccurately describe
the discussions as covering also security, military issues, and
political issues and downplaying the human rights focus, and was
unable to compromise with the U.S. delegation on a
mutually-acceptable statement. Likewise the Libyan side reneged
on a commitment to state publicly that the dialogue had been
initiated, without explanation of its reasoning. Immediately
after the meeting, the Libyan side hosted a dinner for the U.S.
Tripoli 00000748 005.2 of 005
delegation, during which substantive issues were not formally
discussed. Musa Kusa was unable to attend, although two members
of the original delegation identified by the GOL, Dr. Ali
al-Rishi, the Secretary of Immigration and Expatriate Affairs at
the MFA, xxxxxxxxxxxx did.
What really happened?
17. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxx told us that he
had been called to a meeting xxxxxxxxxxxx to
discuss the Human Rights Dialogue. Rolling his eyes skyward,
xxxxxxxxxxxx said that "someone" had gotten to the Leader and
portrayed the talks as an effort by the U.S. to embarrass Libya.
xxxxxxxxxxxx declined to identify who in the GOL had scuttled the
talks, but hinted broadly that a decision had been made at the
highest levels to switch the delegation at the last minute. The
GOL's last-minute change to the proposed joint statement --
portraying the talks as more general in nature and focused on
security and military issues as well as political issues --
likely was the deal struck by FM Kusa to get the talks back on
track after our delegation walked out of the morning session.
The GOL's readiness to drop the statement on the condition that
both sides keep the talks quiet seems to indicate that Kusa and
more Western-leaning officials needed to mollify hardliners who
were concerned about the public perception of the talks. The
GOL has kept its word and never publicized any aspect of the
talks, although they had plenty of footage and still pictures
from the meeting.
18. (C) Comment: In spite of the bizarre, fitful start, FM Kusa
made it clear that he personally values the dialogue. His
direct, personal involvement will be essential to the dialogue's
successful continuation. And while the substance of the
dialogue may have exposed some very wide gaps in our two
countries' understanding of some key human rights concepts, it
also revealed some common ground and seemingly genuine desire
for engagement, particularly in the areas of refugees and
migration, and prison conditions. We look forward to working
with the interagency and the GOL to develop work plans and
timelines for meaningful action on the agenda items. End Comment.
Next steps
19. (SBU) As agreed with the Libyan delegation, State DRL will
take the lead to draft and clear work plans and suggested action
timelines for each of the specific human rights areas identified
during the talks for submission to the Libyan MFA by mid-October.
Cretz
XXXXXX: Redacted by the editors.
<<227491>>
9/29/2009 17:21
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RHMFISS/CDR USAFRICOM STUTTGART GE
RUEHTRO/AMEMBASSY TRIPOLI 5851
TAGS: PREL, PGOV, LY, PINR
SUBJECT: A GLIMPSE INTO LIBYAN LEADER QADHAFI'S ECCENTRICITIES
S e c r e t section 01 of 02 tripoli 000771
Noforn
sipdis
State for nea/mag and inr.
E.o. 12958: decl: 9/29/2019
Tags: prel, pgov, ly, pinr
Subject: a glimpse into libyan leader qadhafi's eccentricities
CLASSIFIED BY: xxxxxxxxxxxx Ambassador, U.S. Embassy Tripoli,
Department of State.
REASON: 1.4 (b), (d)
1. (S/NF) Summary: Recent first-hand experiences with Libyan
Leader Muammar al-Qadhafi and his staff, primarily in
preparation for his UNGA trip, provided rare insights into
Qadhafi's inner circle and personal proclivities. Qadhafi
appears to rely xxxxxxxxxxxx and
reportedly cannot travel with his senior Ukrainian nurse, Galyna
xxxxxxxxxxxx. He also appears to have an intense dislike or fear
of staying on upper floors, reportedly prefers not to fly over
water, and seems to enjoy horse racing and flamenco dancing.
His recent travel may also suggest a diminished dependence on
his legendary female guard force, as only one woman bodyguard
accompanied him to New York. End Summary.
Qadhafi's personality reflected in his phobias
2. (S/NF) Muammar al-Qadhafi has been described as both
mercurial and eccentric, and our recent first-hand experiences
with him and his office, primarily in preparation for his UNGA
trip, demonstrated the truth of both characterizations. From
the moment Qadhafi's staff began to prepare for his travel to
the United States, xxxxxxxxxxxx various proclivities and phobias began to
reveal themselves in every logistical detail. When applying for
Qadhafi's visa, protocol staff asked whether it was necessary
for the Leader to submit a portrait of himself that fit consular
application regulations, noting that his photo was displayed
throughout the city and that anyone of hundreds of billboards
could be photographed and shrunken to fit the application's
criteria. When the rule was enforced, protocol staff
reluctantly conceded to take a portrait of the Leader
specifically for the visa application.
3. (S/NF) When protocol began to search for proper
accommodations for Qadhafi, xxxxxxxxxxxx the Leader
must stay on the first floor of any facility that was rented for
him. xxxxxxxxxxxx told U.S. officials in Washington that
Qadhafi could not climb more than 35 steps.) xxxxxxxxxxxx cited this
requirement as the primary reason that the Libyan residence in
New Jersey was selected as the preferred accommodation site
rather than the Libyan PermRep's residence in New York City.
xxxxxxxxxxxx room to pitch
Qadhafi's Bedouin tent, Qadhafi's traditional site for receiving
visitors and conducting meetings, as it offers him a non-verbal
way of communicating that he is a man close to his cultural
roots.
4. (S/NF) Qadhafi's dislike of long flights and apparent fear of
flying over water also caused logistical headaches for his
staff. When discussing flight clearances xxxxxxxxxxxx Qadhafi "cannot fly more than eight hours" and would need to
overnight in Europe prior to continuing his journey to New York.
xxxxxxxxxxxx in the same conversation that Qadhafi
does not like to fly over water. Presumably for similar
reasons, Qadhafi's staff also requested a stop in Newfoundland
to break his travel from Venezuela to Libya on September 29.
[Note: The Government of Canada recently confirmed that the
Libyan delegation canceled plans to stop in Newfoundland. End
Note.]
Dependencies: reliance on a selective group of individuals
5. (S/NF) Qadhafi appears to be almost obsessively dependent on
a small core of trusted personnel. xxxxxxxxxxxx Long-time Qadhafi xxxxxxxxxxxx
appears to play an equally important role in Qadhafi's
personal retinue, xxxxxxxxxxxx We
constantly hear that xxxxxxxxxxxx also plays a key role xxxxxxxxxxxx also seems to have been
tasked with insuring that the Leader's image is well-preserved
through the full array of carefully-planned media events.
6. (S/NF) Finally, Qadhafi relies heavily on his long-time
Ukrainian nurse, xxxxxxxxxxxx, who has been described as a
"voluptuous blonde." Of the rumored staff of four Ukrainian
nurses that cater to the Leader's health and well-being, Libyan
protocol staff emphasized to multiple Emboffs that Qadhafi
cannot travel without xxxxxxxxxxxx as she alone "knows his
routine." When xxxxxxxxxxxx late visa application resulted in
her Security Advisory Opinion being received on the day
Qadhafi's party planned to travel to the U.S., the Libyan
Government sent a private jet to ferry her from Libya to
Portugal to meet up with the Leader during his rest-stop. Some
embassy contacts have claimed that Qadhafi and the 38 year-old
xxxxxxxxxxxx have a romantic relationship. While he did not
comment on such rumors, a xxxxxxxxxxxx recently
confirmed that the Ukrainian nurses "travel everywhere with the
Leader."
Preferences - from dancing to horseman
7. (S/NF) In addition to the personality quirks revealed through
Qadhafi's travel to New York, the Qadhafi's preferences for
dancing and cultural performances were displayed over the last
month. The three-day spectacle of his 40th anniversary in power
included performances by dance troupes from Ukraine, Tunisia,
Algeria, Egypt, and Morocco, as well as musical performances by
bands from Mexico, Russia, New Zealand, and a number of other
nations. Qadhafi appeared particularly enthralled by Tuareg
horse racing during two of the events, clapping and smiling
throughout the races. The flamenco dancers that participated in
his celebratory events appeared to spark a similar interest, as
Qadhafi decided to stop in Seville (for a "personal trip"
according to the Spanish Ambassador here) on his way back to
Libya from Venezuela specifically to attend a flamenco dance
performance. [Note: That stop has reportedly been scrapped for
unknown reasons. End note.]
No new york photo ops - qadhafi leaves female guards at home
8. (S/NF) While Qadhafi's reported female guard force has become
legendary, it played no role in his travels to New York. Only
one female guard was included among the approximately 350-person
strong Libyan delegation to New York. This is the same female
bodyguard who sticks close to Qadhafi in his domestic and
international public appearances and may, in fact, play some
sort of formal security role. Observers in Tripoli speculate
that the female guard force is beginning to play a diminished
role among the Leader's personal security staff.
9. (S/NF) Comment: Qadhafi's state visits and appearances at
various conferences and summits, both at home and abroad, have
revealed greater details about his personality and character.
While it is tempting to dismiss his many eccentricities as signs
of instability, Qadhafi is a complicated individual who has
managed to stay in power for forty years through a skillful
balancing of interests and realpolitik methods. Continued
engagement with Qadhafi and his inner circle is important not
only to learn the motives and interests that drive the world's
longest serving dictator, but also to help overcome the
misperceptions that inevitably accumulated during Qadhafi's
decades of isolation. xxxxxxxxxxxx told us, pointing to a
larger-than-life portrait of Qadhafi, "When you have been
isolated for so long, it is important to communicate." End
comment.
Cretz
When it came to the negotiating table, having poorly safeguarded barrels of uranium just standing around put Libya in a position of strength over the Americans. After a couple days, Saif al-Islam, one Gadhafi's several sons, spilled the beans on why the mission had been aborted. As he put it, Libya prevented the uranium from being carted away because, in short, it was "fed up" with the slow pace of bilateral engagement.
According to the American diplomatic documents, however, the longer version goes something more like this: "Saif claimed that Libya had not received the 'compensation' it was promised in exchange for an end to its weapons of mass destruction programs. Libya sought a high-level reaffirmation of the United States' commitment to the bilateral relationship, in the form of a message to Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, in order to move forward on the highly enriched uranium shipment. He said the that the fact that the centrifuges were sent to the United States and are still there, rather than under IAEA (the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency) surveillance and control was a 'big insult to the Leader.'"
But the centrifuges that Libya had handed over in exchange for being taken off America's list of state sponsors of terrorism had already been scrapped long ago.
What then followed was a kind of diplomatic horse-trading: On Dec. 3, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton telephoned Libyan Foreign Minister Mousa Kousa and promised that steps would be taken to improve their cooperation. Less than two weeks later, on Dec. 14, Saif al-Islam handed the Americans a wish list of military hardware, including helicopters, "Tiger" all-terrain armored vehicles and upgrades for M113 armored personnel carriers. What's more, he asked for the US government to "bless the sale" to purchase "SCALP" cruise missiles from the French. On Dec. 21, the green light was finally given to transport the uranium out of Libya.
Protocol Headaches
Diplomacy in Libya is extremely challenging work. The Libyans only rarely carry out the Americans' wishes -- and only half-heartedly so. It often happens that they make promises to do something and then suddenly renege on that deal. For example, the Americans ask the Libyans to sign trade and investment agreements as well as to engage in a dialogue about human rights while trying to sweeten the deal by offering a possible meeting with Barack Obama. But, time and again, Gadhafi's quirks have torpedoed their attempts.
One diplomatic dispatch described the situation in these terms: "Kusa* noted that the U.S. must treat Libya differently from other Arab nations specifying that we could not treat Colonel Qadhafi the same way we treat Ben Ali in Tunisia or Mubarak in Egypt, given his unique background and experience. He commented that a man of Qadhafi's 'caliber' could not be placed on equal footing with the King of Jordan or other traditional Arab rulers. ... Kusa advised that a deep, correct understanding of Qadhafi's visions and aspirations would be of more benefit to the U.S. regionally than would be engagement with other Arab statesmen."
A Troublesome Trip to New York
That same year, Gadhafi was granted permission to visit the United States for the first time in order to deliver a speech in New York before the UN General Assembly. The event took weeks to prepare -- and offers further insight into the despot's particularities.
In the runup to the event, Gadhafi is full of childlike curiosity. "How much of New York do you think I will get to see?" he asked one foreign visitor, according to a cable, adding: "Is Washington far from New York? Do you think I might have time to visit?" While all this was going on, Gadhafi's chief of protocol has his hands full with all the organizing he has to do for the trip. Even applying for a visa is difficult. He reportedly even asks the Americans if he really needs to submit a passport photo of Gadhafi in the apparent belief that it would be beneath his boss to be photographed for such a paltry reason. After all, he argues, Tripoli is full of billboards bearing Gadhafi's image, and he could easily just photograph one of these and have it shrunken to the right size.
Even more tricky is the issue of where Gadhafi will stay. The Americans tell Gadhafi that he can't pitch his Bedouin-style tent in the garden of a Libyan-owned estate in Englewood, New Jersey. Residents of the predominantly Jewish community hold protests against having a former sponsor of state terrorism camp out on the lawn next door.
Plan B calls for finding a fitting hotel for Gadhafi to stay in. It's not an easy task: Gadhafi has an elevator phobia and can only climb a maximum of 35 steps. He also happens to be afraid of flying, especially over water, and under no circumstances for more than eight hours at a stretch. The solution? The chief of protocol plans an overnight layover in Portugal.
Traveling Abroad? Only with His Nurses
The dispatches from the embassy even went so far as to discuss who -- and, in particular, which women -- would be accompanying Gadhafi on his trip. "Qadhafi relies heavily on his long-time Ukrainian nurse, Galina K., who has been described as a 'voluptuous blonde.' Of the rumored staff of four Ukrainian nurses that cater to the Leader's health and well-being, Libyan protocol staff emphasized to multiple Emboffs (embassy officers) that Qadhafi cannot travel without K. as she alone 'knows his routine'." Eventually, owing to delays in the issuing of K.'s visas, Gadhafi lets her fly and join up with him later using one of his private jets. "Some embassy contacts have claimed that Qadhafi and the 38-year-old have a romantic relationship." A Ukrainian diplomat "recently confirmed that the Ukrainian nurses 'travel everywhere with the Leader'."
When it came to the visit itself, Gadhafi didn't have as much fun as he'd expected. One contributing factor was his jetlag, which had him waking up at 4 a.m. every morning. Later, his son Saif al-Islam complained to the US Embassy in Tripoli that the trip had been ruined by the whole tent affair and because Gadhafi hadn't been allowed to fulfill his dream of visiting Ground Zero. "Even tourists can see ground zero without permission," he reportedly said, "but a Head of State cannot?"
* Please note that there are numerous possible spellings of Arab names in the English language. SPIEGEL ONLINE International's style is Moammar Gadhafi and Mousa Kousa rather than the Qadhafi and Kusa used in the State Department diplomatic cables.